政治与行政的关联与公共管理伦理维度的开显

权利哲学的展开必然要求采用现代民主政体,因为只有它能使公民平等的政治权利和道德人格得到制度化实现。政治国家及其意志的执行者———公共行政机构的工作都是为了使民主政体和宪法运行顺畅。民主政体塑造了现代社会的公共伦理关系,其公共伦理价值对公共管理活动产生了实质性的规范力量,并使其实现公共正义的价值目标。     

Protest avatars as memetic signifiers: political profile pictures and the construction of collective identity on social media in the 2011 protest wave

Protest avatars, digital images that act as collective symbols for protest movements, have been widely used by supporters of the 2011 protest wave, from Egypt to Spain and the United States. From photos of Egyptian martyr Khaled Said, to protest posters and multiple variations of Anonymous' mask, a great variety of images have been adopted as profile pictures by Internet users to express their support for various causes and protest movements and communicate it to all their Internet peers. In this article, I explore protest avatars as forms of identification of protest movements in a digital era. I argue that protest avatars can be described as ‘memetic signifiers’ because (a) they are marked by a vagueness and inclusivity that distinguishes them from traditional protest symbols and (b) lend themselves to be used as memes for viral diffusion on social networks. In adopting these icons, participants experience a collective fusion in an online crowd, whose gathering is manifested in the very ‘masking’ of participants behind protest avatars. These forms of collective identification, while powerful in the short term, can however prove quite volatile, with Internet users often discarding avatars with relative ease, raising the question whether they can provide durable foundational elements of contemporary social movements.     

Maintaining and Strengthening a Shaky Regime with Mnemonic Work: Inventing a Chinese National Day from 1949 Through 1987 in Taiwan

This paper investigates the invention of a Chinese National Day from 1949 through 1987 in Taiwan to illuminate the significance of mnemonic work in nation‐building. The 1949 Retreat after the Chinese Civil War resulted in a serious legitimacy crisis for the government of the Republic of China; thus, (re)inventing the National Day became an important mission to maintain and even strengthen this shaky regime. While the role of the standardized commemorative narrative in influencing people's collective memory is granted, this article emphasizes the aspect of embodied memory in nation‐remembering. I point out that the official Chinese nationalism constructed its National Day as “inevitably” bustling, memorialized, accepted, heroic, familial‐ized, blessed, and pivotal‐ized to shape the impression of a sacred and memorable day. This paper—while essentially consistent with Billig's argument of banal nationalism—suggests that national identity is accumulated by many symbolically encoded elements found in daily life; it goes further to argue that banal nationalism needs the “hot” nationalism found in special occasions to encode, refresh, and redefine the symbolic meaning of entities. That is, the oscillations between sacred and profane are needed to guarantee that patriotic emotions can be continually created and maintained.     

县权、县政和县域治理的逻辑关联与进程

中国县级管理从学术讨论到县级管理改革讨论存在三个既相互关联又相互区别的分析视角：县权、县政和县域治理。县权的权力结构、县政的政权架构和县域治理的公共协商取向存在制度创新的路径依赖特征,体现为制度合作方式的不断演进。县级管理制度创新可以探索县级管理变革的制度合作复合形态,核心环节是权力结构和政权架构的整体设计,这是县级管理改革有序发展的基本保证。     

政治社会学与社会运动

上世纪70年代,社会运动的研究一直处在一个多样化的探索社会结构和政治行为之间关系的社会学传统中,并专注于解释运动的意识形态、目的、动机、或暴力倾向等政治取向变量。随后,一个摆脱传统的观点重新定义了核心问题,它从根本上缩小了研究动员过程的兴趣范围：无论他们是谁,无论他们的目标是什么,为了成长和成功,社会团体怎么样调动资源,招募追随者并驾御政治环境。批评者后来坚持认为,意义的建构、集体身份的形成、情绪的刺激和放大在动员中会发挥重要却被忽视的作用,他们这些可选方案对已经缩小的问题建构本身也没有构成挑战,由此产生的子领域在很大程度上放弃了寻求解释运动的政治取向的变化。在革命、工会和民族动员相关领域的研究人员保留了解释政治取向的兴趣,尽管他们常常认为这主要是动员的副产品。正在复苏的关于社会结构对运动政治取向影响的理论将需要整合来自相关研究主题广泛而分散的洞见。     

LGBTQ Activist Organizations as ‘Respectably Queer’ in India: Contesting a Western View

This study contests the distinction of LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer) organizations suggested by earlier scholars as ‘respectable’ — i.e. normalizing, professionalizing and conforming to the dominant cultural and institutional patterns — and ‘queer’, meaning challenging the cultural and institutional forces that ‘normalize and commodify differences’. Using Bernstein's model of identity deployment, it is found problematic to distinguish LGBTQ organizations this way because when the actions of LGBTQ organizations are more complex to describe, it is not warranted to conflate identity goals with identity strategies — whether normalizing (respectable) or differentiating (queer). To examine these concerns, a qualitative inquiry was used to study five LGBTQ organizations in India where the intersections of post‐colonial ethnicity, gender, social class and sexuality offer an intriguing context through which to study queer activism. Based on the findings, it is argued from a post‐colonial perspective that when the socio‐cultural and historical existence of non‐homonormative queer communities and practices is strong, LGBTQ organizations challenge the heteronormative and/or other forms of domination to become ‘queer’. But they may simultaneously become ‘respectable′ by conforming to the diversity politics of non‐profit business, donors, and social movement organizations they seek support from, and turn out as ‘respectably queer’.     

The Inherent Politics of Managing the Quality of Urban Green Spaces

Although the term ‘quality’ has a universal positive connotation and typically is framed by a focus on improvements, its application includes as well as excludes the access, values and world views of particular actors and interests. In this article, we highlight the relevance and implications of such ‘inherent politics’ through a case study of a widespread approach to operationalizing quality in urban green space management. We conclude that adoption of any quality model has both limiting and enabling implications for public participation and decision-making and that a critical stance is needed within both research and practice for the development of quality models that connect to values of broader societal relevance.     

Strategic Intersectionality and Political Representation: Female Muslim Councilors in London

This article addresses questions of how race/ethnicity, gender, and religion influence political representation. We use original interview data to test a strategic intersectionality theory developed by Fraga and colleagues (2005) in the case of female Muslim councilors in London, the United Kingdom. The original strategic intersectionality theory proposes that women are more effective advocates for ethnic group interests due to their unique capacity to leverage three primary resources: a substantive policy focus, multiple identity advantage, and gender inclusive advantage. We modify the thesis by analyzing religion as an additional identity marker and further disaggregating the three primary sources of leverage. We use the modified thesis to test whether female Muslim councilors of three London boroughs are more effective advocates for Muslim interests than their non-Muslim colleagues. We find mixed evidence for the presence of the three sources of leverage associated with strategic intersectionality, resulting in a more complex theorizing of this phenomenon than that found in prior research. This study offers a new contribution to the operationalization of intersectionality and the literature on intersectionality and political representation.     

西方环境公民权理论与绿色变革

生态可持续性理论和审议民主理论,对环境公民权的基本设定与理解有着很大的差异——前者是一种生态主义政治理论,而后者是自由主义政治理论的一种时代拓展。但在对环境公民权概念阐释的内容与方法上,二者存在着很多理论衔接点或相近点。更为重要的是,二者都可以理解为生态政治理论家和民主政治理论家试图借助环境公民权这一概念,在各自领域中推动一种有利于可持续社会目标实现的理论努力,虽然不能过高估计它们所蕴涵的社会绿色变革潜力。     

《月令》:农耕民族的人生模型

《月令》是了解中华民族独特生存理念、方式的经典文本。它是战国礼家精构的一份理想的国家政治大纲、个体人生规划书,是对中华农耕民族现实生活基本内容的体系化描述,有着严密的时空结构。人类一切文化行为均当严格遵循自然四时节律而行乃其核心理念。《月令》表现出的自然政治观念充分体现出中华农耕民族依天立人的人生理念和生存方式,其理想化的生态保护观念值得当代社会借鉴。