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51.
《Journal of homosexuality》2012,59(1-2):49-67
ABSTRACT The notion of lesbian specificity must be understood in the context of heteronormative society. Heterosexual norms affect negotiations of power and sexual desire in lesbian relationships. But this investigation into woman-to-woman sexual practices also views the possibility of lesbian specificity as potentially subversive, in the sense that it poses fundamental questions about conventional discourses on sexuality and eroticism. 相似文献
52.
Social responsibility is an essential part of the responsible conduct of research that presents difficult ethical questions for scientists. Recognizing one’s social responsibilities as a scientist is an important first step toward exercising social responsibility, but it is only the beginning, since scientists may confront difficult value questions when deciding how to act responsibly. Ethical dilemmas related to socially responsible science fall into at least three basic categories: 1) dilemmas related to problem selection, 2) dilemmas related to publication and data sharing, and 3) dilemmas related to engaging society. In responding to these dilemmas, scientists must decide how to balance their social responsibilities against other professional commitments and how to avoid compromising their objectivity. In this article, we will examine the philosophical and ethical basis of social responsibility in science, discuss some of the ethical dilemmas related to exercising social responsibility, and make five recommendations to help scientists deal with these issues. 相似文献
53.
Francesca Romana Ammaturo 《Social movement studies》2016,15(1):19-40
Gay pride parades represent an active site of production of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender (LGBT), intersexual and queer identities, featuring a spatial and social articulation of political and human rights claims. While the multiplication of these events in different countries suggests the existence of a coherent and cohesive community which shares the same collective identity beyond national borders, different patterns in the organisation, part-taking and social and political connotations given to these events can be observed in different contexts. By means of a comparative visual ethnography of Italian and British Gay Pride Parades, this article investigates how the creation, mobilisation and challenge of quasi-normative LGBT identities occur within the spatial context of gay pride marches. It is argued, in particular, that while gay pride parades are sites in which the socio-political status quo can be successfully challenged, participants are also faced with the possibility of falling prey to dynamics of identity commodification and homonationalism which may ultimately deprive their claims of their subversive potential. 相似文献
54.
20世纪80、90年代以来,一些国外学者认为,当代中国正在从社会主义走上技治主义的道路。因为定义不清,数据和论证存在问题,以及对中国政治精英选拔理解偏差,这种观点是错误的。技治主义对当代中国政治产生了一定程度的影响,但远未到影响社会根本制度的程度。对技治主义的评价必须结合中国的具体国情,不能一味追随西方的观点。作为一种工具,对中国政治进行适度的技治主义改良在现阶段具有一定的积极意义。 相似文献
55.
陈星 《北京联合大学学报(人文社会科学版)》2012,(3):87-92
随着两岸关系和平发展的持续推进,这项战略已经产生了强大的溢出效应。影响所及,两岸关系结构、台湾民众对两岸关系的认知结构以及台湾岛内话语结构等都发生了根本性变化,这种局面对岛内政党政治的基本生态和未来发展趋势产生了较大影响,两个主要政党都针对环境的变化进行了一定的调整,以求适应台海局势的结构性变化,谋求未来更多的发展空间。 相似文献
56.
ABSTRACTMalaysia is one of the multi-ethnic, multi-cultural and multi-religious countries in Southeast Asia. Due to the pluralistic nature of Malaysia, it has a political structure based on ethnic politics. The ethnic preferential policies affected most domains of this country. The objective of this article is to examine the origin and background of ethnic politics in Malaysia. Findings of this study indicate that, ethnic politics originated during the British colonial period, it became a tool used by the Barisan Nasional for the legitimacy of regime. Moreover, ethnic politics in Malaysia today is intertwined with religion. Besides, there is the dilemma of the choice between the interest of certain ethnic group and national interests. However, with the opposition coalition Pakatan Harapan won the election in 9th May, UMNO-led BN lost power and interrupted its 61 years control, which leaves us an interesting topic to think about the future of Malaysian ethnic politics. 相似文献
57.
Taufiq Tanasaldy 《Asian Ethnicity》2015,16(4):446-479
Political reform after the departure of President Soeharto’s New Order (1966–1998) provided opportunities for previously oppressed social groups to express their concerns and to demand fair recognition. The results of this newly found freedom have been quite immediately visible in Jakarta, where social and political institutions spearheaded by Chinese originally sprouted. In the regions, political participation of ethnic Chinese has also grown; significantly in those regions with a large Chinese population. In West Kalimantan, the number of Chinese being elected to local parliaments in some regions has doubled. They have also contested numerous direct local executive elections since 2003 and have been successful in winning four posts: a mayor, a district head, a deputy district head, and a deputy governor. By looking at the case of West Kalimantan, this article will examine the factors behind the growth in Chinese political activism, the factors contributing to the success of Chinese candidates in elections, how the Chinese have influenced local and provincial politics, and the challenges they are facing. 相似文献
58.
Alison Howell 《International Feminist Journal of Politics》2018,20(2):117-136
This article investigates the limits of the concept of militarization and proposes an alternative concept: martial politics. It argues that the concept of militarization falsely presumes a peaceful liberal order that is encroached on by military values or institutions. Arguing instead that we must grapple with the ways in which war and politics are mutually shaped, the article proposes the concept of martial politics as a means for examining how politics is shot-through with war-like relations. It argues that stark distinctions cannot be made between war and peace, military and civilian or national and social security. This argument is made in relation to two empirical sites: the police and the university. Arguing against the notion that either the police or the university have been “militarized,” the article provides a historical analysis of the ways in which these institutions have always already been implicated in martial politics – that is, of producing White social and economic order through war-like relations with Indigenous, racialized, disabled, poor and other communities. It concludes by assessing the political and scholarly opportunities that are opened up for feminists through the rejection of the concept of militarization in favor of the concept of martial politics. 相似文献
59.
Niccolo Bertuzzi 《Social movement studies》2017,16(6):752-756
In 2015 Milan hosted the Universal Exposition with the theme ‘Feeding the Planet, Energy for Life’. Even if characterized by various scandals and problems, the edition was narrated by the mainstream media as a political and economic success. Critical voices were almost completely obscured by favorable propaganda and the ideas of development and the future proposed by the Expo rhetoric was presented as inevitable, configuring ‘the best of all possible worlds’ in a more general post-political frame. In this profile I first present the main characteristics of the No Expo Network, e.g. the actors that composed it and the main critiques that they advanced. I will then focus on the reasons for its defeat, which is then contextualized in relation to the election of the Chief Executive Officer of Expo 2015 as new Mayor of Milan. Here, we can see the continuation and structural strengthening of the neoliberal politics of Expo2015 beyond the mega event itself. 相似文献
60.
唐忠江 《榆林高等专科学校学报》2014,(1):115-118
赵健秀小说《唐老亚》重建华裔美国人精神和文化形象。在小说中,作者重新刻画了华裔美国人积极的精神风貌,书写了华裔先辈修建铁路但被美国白人社会所隐没的历史,重新解释了被白人社会所扭曲和谬传的儒家思想,揭示了华裔美国人在经济上被囊括与社会政治上被驱逐的尴尬境地,从而对华裔美国人的形象在精神上和文化上进行了建构。 相似文献