纳吉布·马哈福兹的民族主义思想探析

民族主义不单表现为一种政治诉求，同时也表现为一种文化诉求，20世纪30年代东方各民族均面临着传统文化的现代化转型，马哈福兹正是在文学的创作园地孜孜不倦地实践着这一重要课题。其作品以宏阔的视野、鲜明独特的创作风格，从不同侧面展示了埃及的历史、现实、未来，不断唤醒民众的民族自豪感，激励民众争取民族的民主自由，同时寻求民族前进和人类发展的理想之道，表现出他强烈的民族主义精神，因而被誉为“阿拉伯民族之魂”。马哈福兹带着其独特的民族特色而走向了世界。     

雄踞地方三十年——浅析民国时期无锡绅界领袖钱孙卿

中国有着官绅合治的传统,一些绅士积极参与地方事务,并在地方事务取得了较大的支配权。民国时期,钱孙卿以其才干、品德、见识和影响成为无锡绅界领袖,他担任了市公所的总董、县商会的主席,雄踞地方三十年,其对无锡的经济发展、社会治理都有相当多的贡献。文章描述了钱孙卿从政之路,探讨其在地方舞台上崛起壮大与长盛不衰的原因,从而使我们对民国时期地方政治的运作与地方政治家有更深更新的认知,也希望后人不要遗忘无锡历史上这位优秀的地方政治家。     

Ideals and realities: Renaissance state communication in Machiavelli's The Prince and More's Utopia

Communication plays very different parts in two of the most influential political works of the last 500 years, The Prince by Niccolo Machiavelli (1469–1527) and Utopia by Sir Thomas More (1478–1535). The contrasts between More's carefully controlled and Machiavelli's unconstrained political communication shed light on the communication issues and practices of their times, some of which may still figure in relations between state and citizen.     

Celebrity and politics: Effects of endorser credibility and sex on voter attitudes,perceptions, and behaviors

While much research examines the effects of celebrity endorsements in commercial advertising, scholars have only recently sought to investigate the effects of celebrity endorsements of politicians on voter perceptions and behavior. This study expands existing research on celebrity political endorsement effects via an experiment exploring effects of different versions of a news story describing a celebrity's endorsement of a political candidate on participants’ voting attitudes, perceptions of candidate credibility, and voting behavioral intent. Although participants perceive credibility differences between high- and low-credibility celebrities, neither endorser credibility nor endorser sex impact attitudes toward the endorsed candidate, perceptions of the candidate's credibility, or intended voting behavior. Conceptual relationships to other studies on celebrity endorsement effects are discussed, as are implications, limitations, and directions for future research.     

Three Routes to Pension Reform: Politics and Institutions in Reforming Pensions in Denmark,Finland and Sweden

By analysing pension reforms in three Nordic countries – Denmark, Finland and Sweden – that apply different institutional solutions in their old‐age security programmes, this article argues that the political processes that shaped the country‐specific pension set‐ups in the 1950s and 1960s had important ramifications for subsequent reform possibilities. A high degree of inertia exists not only in the institutions themselves but also in the political reform options and the ways in which pensions were reformed. The analysis shows that the ‘new politics’ was not new in any of the three countries. Furthermore, given the differences in the three cases, the analysis questions the nature of pension reform. The Swedish reform in the late 1990s was a ‘big bang’ that eliminated the old and changed everything; the Finns built on piecemeal reforms of conversion that gradually changed the whole system; and, while the Danish story appears to be one of stability and status quo, the drift of Danish policy ultimately changed the basic characteristics of the system. Although all three countries have more or less thoroughly reformed their pensions, the reform processes have differed according to both historical legacies and institutional frameworks.     

从吸纳到求援：资源变迁背景下的村庄政治

通过对征地前后村庄政治的考察,发现随着村级组织掌握资源形态发生变化,村庄政治运作实现从吸纳向求援的转型。征地之前,村级组织掌握集体经济,通过多种手段吸纳村庄内部各种力量尤其是反对派从而实现村庄政治格局的动态平衡,村庄权力结构呈现体制内精英—中间派—反对派三元均衡的样态。征地之后,集体经济消失,村级治权弱化,为实现权力和利益空间的稳定,村级组织开始向基层政府和村庄外出精英求援,村庄其他势力的话语空间减缩,村庄权力结构逐渐呈现一元独大的形态。而在一元权力格局之下,村级组织逐渐悬浮,村庄治理陷入困境。     

基于神经反射传入过程探释思想政治教育内化机制

生理学中的神经反射传入过程与思想政治教育内化机制在结构上具有同构性、在工作原理上具有共通性。探释神经反射传入过程对思想政治教育内化机制的启悟：前阶段,兼顾受教育者的心理状况、文化层次、个人经历、情商智商、家庭环境的客观情况,尊重和避免受教育者思想突触在较钝性、较温和、较粗糙的思想政治教育环境中容易疲劳特性;后阶段,重视受教育者的思想中枢传播过程和思想中枢处理过程的工作特点,避免受教育者中断对有益的思想政治教育的内化,同时促进受教育者拒绝对有害的思想政治教育的内化。     

The Contentious Roots of the Egyptian Revolution

Although real socio-economic injustices may have been the justification for the Egyptian revolution of 2011, it was not the cause of Egypt's politicization. Demonstrators peacefully toppled a strong Western ally on the premise of high unemployment, lack of opportunity, lack of free elections, food inflation, corruption, and lack of democracy, among other factors. Why did social mobilization lead to a social movement against a state that is highly dependent on coercion? Considering that access to social networks, high unemployment, systematic corruption, and economic stagnation are all commonplace throughout the world, the Egyptian revolution is an anomaly. This article argues that an analysis of the possible roots of the modern era of contentious politics in Egypt and its subsequent politicization will help demystify and decipher how this anomaly occurred. Focusing on the transnationally inspired dynamics of historically unprecedented protest events in relation to Egypt's political and social context will shed light upon the central question that this article aims analyze: how and when did politics make the shift from internal social relations to contentious street politics?     

义和团运动期间国内政治分野

义和团运动期间,当北方朝廷为恢复旧有统治对八国联军宣战时,南方督抚背离朝廷旨意与列强联手“互保“,南地绅士及知识界则以召开“国会”、举行起义等更为激进的方式对朝廷的举措表示反对。这种大致以南、北为界的政治分野的出现源于经济上的南富北穷、文化心态上的南新北旧、政治控制上的南松北紧。清朝廷在庚子年间的出格举动则是促使这种政治分野公开表现的直接原因。     

南京临时政府法制建设的特点及重要意义

在辛亥革命中 ,孙中山领导的南京临时政府为建设和巩固新生的资产阶级国家政权 ,制定颁布了一系列法律法规 ,虽然带有资本主义法制的显著特征 ,但它在用法律武器摧毁封建君主专制制度、确立现代民主政治的斗争中 ,起到了“唤醒人民、争取自由和建立彻底民主的制度”的重要作用 ,开创了中国政治制度和法制现代化的先河