Regulating Transnational Flows of People: An Institutional Analysis of Passports and Visas as a Regime of Mobility

This article challenges the widely held "mobility thesis" by examining the current regime of mobility in regulating transnational flows of people-namely, passports and visas-from an institutionalist perspective. An institutional device linking individuals to the state, the passport is a manifestation of both citizenship and sovereignty. As such, the passport has to be situated in a broader international context in which "organized hypocrisy" (Krasner 1999) underlies the principle of sovereignty. Furthermore, through the "rite of institutions" (Bourdieu 1991), the passport provides foundations for identification, classification, and trust for individuals. The Taiwan passport provides vivid illustrations of how identification, classification, and trust have been breached by organized hypocrisy and how such a breaching has been experienced by individual citizens. However, it is also shown that some capable individuals, through the leverage of their economic power, are able to circumvent or even take tactical advantage of the current system. The political overtone of the Taiwan passport has exposed the nature of the regime of mobility that has often been depoliticized and undertheorized. Just as passports issued by different states are of different values, there has been an inequality of mobility structured by power asymmetries and economic inequalities in the world system. Such an inequality of mobility may have become enlarged under the impact of globalization but has gone mostly unnoticed. Individuals may try to increase their mobility through various economic means, but differentiated access to mobility may have further reproduced and enhanced unequal social, economic, and political relations.     

Negotiating race and place in the Garifuna Diaspora: Identity formation and transnational grassroots politics in New York City and Honduras

This paper is an exploration of the relations between the politics of identity and the socio‐economic and political processes of the current era of globalization. Using ethnographic material from the transnational grassroots organizations of the Garinagu—an Afro‐Indigenous population living in transnational communities between Central America and the US—I show the multiple ways that they articulate their identity between and among the tropes of “autocthony,” “blackness,” “Hispanic,” “diaspora,” and “nation.” This construction and negotiation of identity is intimately connected to the negotiation of rights vis‐à‐vis nation‐states and international political bodies, where ideologies of race, ethnicity, nation, and citizenship carry with them different implications for rights and belonging. I argue that the complexities of this case point to the uneven processes of globalization, within which the power to define the ideological terrain of economic and political struggles is still profoundly unequal.     

Women in Movement Transformations in African Political Landscapes

Since the mid-1980s and especially after the early 1990s, women's organizations have increased exponentially throughout Africa as have the arenas in which women have been able to assert their varied concerns. Women are organizing locally and nationally and are networking across the continent on an unprecedented scale. They have in many countries been aggressively using the media to demand their rights in a way not evident in the early 1980s. In some countries they are taking their claims to land, inheritance and associational autonomy to court in ways not seen in the past. Women are challenging laws and constitutions that do not uphold gender equality. In addition, they are increasingly moving into government, legislative, party, NGO and other leadership positions previously the nearly exclusive domain of men. In these and other ways women have taken advantage of the new political openings that occurred in the 1990s, even if the openings were limited and precarious. This second generation of activism is markedly different from the earlier post-independence generation of women's mobilization. The reasons for these shifts are varied: the rise of multi-partyism and demise of military rule; the growing influence of the international women's movement; shifting donor strategies; the expansion of the use of the cell phone and the Internet in the late 1990s; coupled with a significant increase in secondary and university educated women. The article explores the major changes in women's mobilization in Africa by contrasting the current women's movements with those that emerged after independence.     

A House of Our Own: Diaspora Politics Among Koreans in the Russian Far East

This paper discusses the newly formed public space that exists for Koreans in the Russian Far East (RFE). It shows that the notion of diaspora is a fluctuating political subjectivity in Russia that is largely defined and regulated by the state. It examines the changes that have taken place in the local politics surrounding the Korean diaspora in the RFE resulting from their experience of the Stalinist purge and their return from Central Asia during the post-socialist transition. Central to this research is a building called Koreiskii Dom and the conflicts surrounding its ownership and use. By examining these conflicts, this paper explores how the focus of community for Russian Koreans has shifted from national rehabilitation to cultural recognition influenced by the increasing prominence of businessmen in local politics, and the substantive demands made on public spaces for practices of cultural reconsolidation.     

On the Ethnicisation of New Zealand Politics: The Foreshore and Seabed Controversy in Context1

As a case study, the author looks at developments since 2003 in the controversy around the ownership of the New Zealand foreshore and seabed. She argues in favour of a detailed analysis of the relationships between the minority and majority populations and their impact on internal tensions and mobilisation, as well as on the development of ideologies. The article identifies key factors, moments and processes in recent New Zealand history that combined and had the effect of emphasising ethnic differences and polarising the relationships between the minority and majority populations. The analysis relies on Eric Schwimmer's work, in particular on his definitions of ‘real competition’ and ‘symbolic competition’.     

INTERFACING FEMINISM AND CULTURAL STUDIES IN HONG KONG: A CASE OF EVERYDAY LIFE POLITICS

Cultural studies, as a cultural and political re-articulation of common sense, knowledge and community practices, aims at opening up new cultural space for criticisms, reflections and action. Originating from the women' movement and later flourishing in the academy as well, feminism espouses similar aims to cultural studies. Both cultural studies and feminist/gender studies have a strong sense of intervening into everyday life politics. This paper is an attempt to discuss how feminism and cultural studies interface with each other, largely based on examples of gender-related everyday life politics taken from the feminist movement in Hong Kong. It will examine issues concerning the conflict of consumption and female subjectivities, the reconceptualization of home and housewives, and the representation of everyday life for women and history writing. It is argued that by blurring, negotiating or deconstructing the boundary or division between positions, identities and domains–such as subject and object, housewives and workers, private and public, personal and political, consumption and production–the re-articulation of knowledge about ‘victim’, ‘exploitation’, ‘home’ and ‘history’ in the feminist movement will not only provide the movement with new impetus and insight to reconsider its strategies in fighting for more cultural, social and economic space for women and other marginal groups at large in Hong Kong, but will also ‘metabolize’ the newly developed discipline of cultural studies in Hong Kong by providing a platform to strengthen the dynamic arm of cultural studies education and research. Based on her feminist and teaching experiences in Hong Kong, the author has highlighted activism and pedagogy as the two important dimensions of feminism and cultural studies in this paper.     

PUBLIC PEDAGOGY AS CULTURAL POLITICS: STUART HALL AND THE CRISIS OF CULTURE

This article argues that Stuart Hall's work provides an important theoretical framework for developing an expanded notion of public pedagogy, for making the pedagogical central to any understanding of political agency, and for addressing the primacy of public pedagogy and cultural politics in any viable theory of social change. Hall's work becomes particularly important not only in making education crucial to the practice of cultural studies, but also in providing a theoretical and political corrective to recent attacks on cultural politics, which cut across ideological lines and include theorists as politically diverse as Harold Bloom, Richard Rorty and Todd Gitlin.     

国际政治学中“区域”概念重构及现实考量

准确界定区域、区域化、区域主义以及区域性等概念,对于中国区域化研究是很有必要的。基于此,本文尝试从国际政治学的角度,对当代区域化研究的概念进行重点分析,希望厘清其准确含义,并以亚欧会议为例,对＂由区域构成的世界＂进行现实考量和解读,从而为中国当前及未来的区域合作理论与实践研究提供一个清晰而准确的概念框架。     

政治、经济和文化多维关系解读——兼论和谐社会构建

从唯物史观的角度来看,经济、政治和文化分别表述社会结构的不同方面,其相互关系历来是人们争论的焦点。从不同的视域透析政治、经济、文化在社会发展中的作用,揭示其多维的辩证关系,对于我们克服传统的线性思维,真正全方位、多角度地认识经济、政治和文化的关系,具有重要的理论和实践意义。     

八旗满洲官宦世家考——以富察氏家族为例

清朝世家是清朝政治史研究中的焦点,“八旗满洲官宦世家”的存在和其特殊作用的发挥是理解清朝政治的重要视角。满洲镶黄旗富察氏家族就是这种官宦世家的代表,该家族祖孙父子相继在朝为官,历任高爵显位。从富察氏家族子弟的入仕为政的轨迹可见,由于满族统治中国的民族特点和少数人统治多数人的特殊性,权力的最高掌控者对于“自家人”投注了更多的希望。