Salat-al-Juma: organizing the public in Tahrir Square

What were the sources of solidarity that bound anti-government protesters in Tahrir Square? This article complicates Judith Butler’s claim that this solidarity originated in shared vulnerability to police violence and the practices of mutual care that were necessary to sustain bodies in the square. I draw on existing scholarship that suggests that passive knowledge of this shared vulnerability was already present among Egyptians, especially those working in the informal economy and living more of their lives – eating, chatting, praying, selling, etc. – on the streets of Egypt’s cities and thereby drawn into increasing contact with state police forces. Given that aggressive policing and intimidation had generated a sense of passive solidarity among Egyptians, I ask how this solidarity was transformed into animated opposition to the regime. My answer is that the Islamic congregational prayers as well as the Sunday Masses held during the revolution were spectacles of interfaith cooperation that inspired courage and trust across sectarian and religious/secular communities. These prayers were rational rituals that generated trust among diverse Egyptians that Mubarak had sown suspicion among and played against one another to stay in power. These were embodied rituals that lent moral support to more the mundane aspects of occupying Tahrir Square, which was symbolically and strategically important in bringing down the regime.     

气候变化政治对海湾国家的影响

海湾地区气候炎热,淡水资源缺乏。长期以来,海湾国家主要依靠能源出口获取大量资金,借此修建海水淡化工厂等各种设施以适应和改善气候环境的影响。近年来,国际社会在应对全球变暖问题的协调合作中,已形成一种处理全球气候变化的政治。气候变化政治要求各国减少能源消耗和降低二氧化碳排放量以缓解全球变暖趋势,从而对海湾国家以能源出口收益来维护生存环境和社会稳定的基本经济模式构成冲击。面对气候变化政治带来的冲击,海湾国家目前的权宜选择只能是继续扩大能源出口,并尽量拖延实施气候变化协议来进行应对。然而,这种做法虽可以暂时保持海湾国家改善环境的努力和维护其经济政治结构稳定,但却难以消除全球气候变化政治今后长期推动能源结构调整和节能减排所带来的压力。     

美国应对中东剧变的“奥巴马主义”探析

美国应对中东剧变的政策措施彰显"奥巴马主义",即军事上谨慎用兵,避免直接地面占领或卷入一场针对伊斯兰国家的新战争,而是通过武装反对派推行"阿拉伯人打阿拉伯人",减少人道主义干预的成本;政治上运用所谓美国的"巧实力",让欧洲大国和阿拉伯盟友提出议程设置,充当"急先锋",美国在背后"掌舵",以最廉价的方式延续美国在中东的领导地位;外交上通过议题设置,让联合国人权委员会等国际组织和非政府组织服务于美国政府;经济上运用援助和制裁两手政策来实现政治目标;文化上利用媒体、非政府组织和网络,开展民间外交和网络外交。奥巴马政府试图综合运用军事、政治、外交、经济和文化手段,推动中东反美国家的政权更迭,维护亲美国家的政局稳定。研究表明,无论是主张依靠硬实力的"布什主义",还是主张依靠巧实力的"奥巴马主义",其在中东维持美国领导地位的战略目标,却是一致的。     

A state of limbo: the politics of waiting in neo‐liberal Latvia

This article presents an ethnographic study of politics of waiting in a post‐Soviet context. While activation has been explored in sociological and anthropological literature as a neo‐liberal governmental technology and its application in post‐socialist context has also been compellingly documented, waiting as a political artefact has only recently been receiving increased scholarly attention. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork at a state‐run unemployment office in Riga, this article shows how, alongside activation, state welfare policies also produce passivity and waiting. Engaging with the small but developing field of sociological literature on the politics of waiting, I argue that, rather than interpreting it as a clash between ‘neo‐liberal’ and ‘Soviet’ regimes, we should understand the double‐move of activation and imposition of waiting as a key mechanism of neo‐liberal biopolitics. This article thus extends the existing theorizations of the temporal politics of neo‐liberalism.     

从确认到竞争:被选举权的民主建构

被选举权是标志和象征人民作为"主权者"的地位和身份之基本权利。公民依法主动竞争公共职位是被选举权作为民主权利的内在要求,也是市场经济需要竞争性政治的折射。被选举权的激活对于选拔政治人才,强化权力受托人的责任意识,推动公民参与,促进权力可持续发展,培养公民人格等具有特殊意义。规范被选举权的运作,需要建立和完善权力角逐的平等竞争规则、筛选过滤机制、对当选者的监督制约机制以及纠纷化解体系。     

威权政治建构中的族际整合——以东南亚国家为例

处于从传统向现代社会转型的后发展多民族国家的族际整合问题,是现代政治学面临的一个重要课题。独立后的东南亚国家在威权政治的国家建构方式中,实施相对合理有效的族际整合方略,在整合民族关系、维护国家统一和推进经济现代化方面为后发展国家提供了宝贵经验,同时为自身向现代民主政治转型创造了条件。     

民主、信息公开与国家治理模式的变迁

在很长一段历史时间内,信息公开与民主制度并无关联,因为"精英民主"模式通常与保密文化密切相关,它既不鼓励公民参与,也不希望公民知悉政府的信息。直到参与式民主在近几十年取得主流话语权,信息公开才与公共参与一道成为民主制度不可或缺的组成部分。中国《政府信息公开条例》的实施,不仅有利于国家治理模式的转变,而且未来必将有助于民主的发展。     

走向一种绿色意识形态

与价值观不同，意识形态既是规范性的又是描述性的，或者说，既是价值评估性的也是知识追求性的。事实与价值之间的关系，被传统地以“二分法”的方式加以构建，实际上二者是一种互补关系，但这也并不意味着对矛盾关系的否认。一种建立在摆脱教条主义的唯物主义基础上的绿色理论，更有利于开展一种行之有效的实践，而这或许是绿色运动可以从马克思主义那里继承的最为重要的遗产。如果生态主义要想成为一种有影响的意识形态，就必须发展一种“绿色实践观”，创建“理论-实践”的统一体，并借助包含着价值考量在内的“中介”来跨越二者之间的鸿沟。     

摩洛哥阿拉维君主制统治合法性分析

本文从历史与传统、现代与理性、宗教以及国王个人魅力等四个方面分析了1956年独立后摩洛哥阿拉维君主制统治合法性的基础和来源。作者指出，摩洛哥阿拉维君主制的统治反映了韦伯关于合法统治的三种类型，即合理型、传统型和魅力型，其中，传统型占主导地位并与伊斯兰教紧密相连。迄今，宗教神圣的合法性体现了阿拉维君主制所有统治合法性学说的本质，然而其神圣性也遭到了质疑和挑战。     

略论实现党执政兴国要务与大学生中国化马克思主义教育

推进大学生中国化马克思主义教育是党实现执政兴国的＂希望工程＂,是党实现执政兴国的题中之义;推进大学生中国化马克思主义教育重在建设和创新。高校党委要负起政治责任,把实现党执政兴国要务的目标作为己任,切实加强对大学生中国化马克思主义教育的领导。