元代武宗朝研究综述

元武宗海山是忽必烈建立元朝后的第三位皇帝。元武宗(1307-1311)时期进行了统治势力之重构和对前朝流弊的改良。随着考古界对元中都考古发掘的进一步深入,武宗朝和武宗其人的研究引起了学术界的广泛关注,研究范围涉及政治、军事、经济、社会等诸方面并对武宗朝在元中后期政治影响和历史地位做出了新的界定。     

Politics by numbers: poverty reduction discourse,contestations and regime legitimacy in Ethiopia

There are contradictory statistics about the number of poor people and changes in number of poor people in Ethiopia with statistics ranging from 26 to 86% of the total population in 2013. This paper analyzed how such contradictory statistics feed into national politics focusing on who uses which statistics and based on what justifications of authoritativeness. Drawing from data collected from print newspapers, blogs, websites, published articles, party publications, and interviews with four key informants and combining an actor’s centered discourse analysis (ACDA) with Van Dick’s (1997) approach of identifying and analyzing political discourses, the paper deconstructed the poverty statistics debate in Ethiopia to understand the basic contestations. Synthesis of the data shows that poverty numbers are being used as tools for, and manifestations of, ongoing power struggles in Ethiopia whereby different actors selectively use poverty statistics that promote their political agenda. While doing so, the underlying rationale of actors for choosing one statistics over another was not based on the merit of their preferred set of statistics over the others but on the suitability of the data for their political purpose. As such, the government disregards statistics except its own which portray rapid poverty decline in the country while opposition groups actively use and promote statistics coming from international organizations that depict increasing poverty or a slow rate of reduction of poverty. The paper argues that the underlying cause of such politicization of numbers is linked with the developmental statism ideology of the ruling party in Ethiopia and how it tries to justify its rule in Ethiopia – claiming that it is reducing poverty and bringing development in Ethiopia and therefore should be allowed to continue in power. Therefore, in debating poverty numbers what is being debated is not just the statistics but the legitimacy of the government, hence politics by numbers.     

中国近代新型知识分子的政治参与

从参与政治活动的历史背景、参与方式及组织形式来分析 ,可以看出近代中国知识分子对近代中国官僚政治的影响是显著的 ,其表现为行政能力的提高 ,思想、信仰与价值的多元取向以及政治近代化等。这些充分说明了近代中国知识分子参与政治的历史作用是不容低估的     

匈牙利社会党和匈牙利政治

９０年代,匈牙利社会党经历了了由在野党到执政党再到在野党的剧变,匈牙利的民主社会主义面临着社会主义在匈牙利遭到历史性挫折和在匈牙利坚持社会主义的矛盾,社会党的性质与匈牙利资本主义趋势的矛盾、工人阶级传统的政党同匈牙利劳资结构分化不明显之间的矛盾。资本主义化决定了匈牙利民主社会主义地位的不稳定性。     

‘They don’t look like children’: child asylum-seekers,the Dubs amendment and the politics of childhood

In October 2016, following a campaign led by Labour Peer Lord Alfred Dubs, the first child asylum-seekers allowed entry to the UK under new legislation (the ‘Dubs amendment’) arrived in England. Their arrival was captured by a heavy media presence, and very quickly doubts were raised by right-wing tabloids and politicians about their age. In this article, I explore the arguments underpinning the Dubs campaign and the media coverage of the children’s arrival as a starting point for interrogating representational practices around children who seek asylum. I illustrate how the campaign was premised on a universal politics of childhood that inadvertently laid down the terms on which these children would be given protection, namely their innocence. The universality of childhood fuels public sympathy for child asylum-seekers, underlies the ‘child first, migrant second’ approach advocated by humanitarian organisations, and it was a key argument in the ‘Dubs amendment’. Yet the campaign highlights how representations of child asylum-seekers rely on codes that operate to identify ‘unchildlike’ children. As I show, in the context of the criminalisation of undocumented migrants‘, childhood is no longer a stable category which guarantees protection, but is subject to scrutiny and suspicion and can, ultimately, be disproved.     

论思想政治理论课“专题参与式”教学

本文针对高校思想政治理论课教育教学普遍存在的教师主导作用和学生学习主体作用发挥不够充分的问题,提出“专题参与式”教学模式的构想,将教与学、教学与成绩考核有机融为一体。     

The National Conference of Black Political Scientists (NCOBPS): Organizational Empowerment Through Signaling and Valuing Women and Diversity During #MeToo

ABSTRACT

The National Conference of Black Political Scientists (NCOBPS) is an almost 50-year-old organization. Its history is rooted in challenging racial discrimination and exclusion of people of African descent in the political science discipline and profession. Over time, the organization also has sought diversity and inclusion in various forms, whether through inclusion of intersectional identities and expressions or philosophical perspectives. This article describes the significance of signaling inclusive values through the institutionalization of the organization. It also offers best practices for the #MeToo movement through accounting for inclusive practices of NCOBPS.     

组织政治知觉对职场偏差行为作用研究:有调节的中介机制

职场偏差行为是一种组织中广泛存在的员工消极行为,组织政治知觉对职场偏差行为的可能影响被长期忽视。文章从组织政治知觉角度实证分析了其对职场偏差行为的影响,检验了强制性公民行为作为其中介因素的可能性,从强制感知的不同来源分别检验了显性强制和隐性强制的中介作用,并在此基础上探索了工作嵌入的调节效应。     

陕西法政学堂与近代中国西部的法学高等教育

陕西法政学堂是近代中国西部成立较早,西北成立最早的法学高等教育机构。陕西法政学堂的成立标志着近代陕西法政教育的开端和中国西北地区法学高等教育的起步。陕西法政学堂成立后,尽管多次停办或改并,但是它对中国近代法学教育的深刻影响是不容忽视的。陕西法政学堂不仅培养了近代陕西最早的一批地方官吏和法、政人才,而且为西北大学的法律与政治学科奠定了基础,为解放后西北地区法学教育的发展准备了条件。     

当代民生政治与生活政治的比较

民生政治已经成为当前的热点话题,然而,在研究当前中国政治生活的过程中,容易把当代民生政治理论与生活政治理论相互混淆,因此,对当代民生政治理论与生活政治理论进行比较研究成为必然。当代民生政治主要探讨的是在人民主体性的历史前提下如何保障和改善民生的问题,而生活政治主要探讨的是在资本主义体系范围内如何生活的问题,其理论逻辑起点、核心命题和理论逻辑归宿都具有自己特定的内容。究其原因,在于当代民生政治理论与生活政治理论是在特定社会历史条件下的产物,与特定的生产方式、生活方式和思维方式具有紧密联系。