罗马统治时期埃及妇女的土地租佃

罗马统治时期的埃及，土地租佃制成为占主导地位的土地经营方式，形成了复杂的土地租佃关系。这其中更引人注目的是此时的埃及妇女亦活跃于土地租佃中。妇女不仅是土地的出租者，而且还是土地的租佃者。分析罗马时期埃及妇女的土地租佃经营状况，对于研究罗马时期埃及妇女甚至是古代埃及妇女的经济地位及社会地位都会有所裨益。     

The Enchantment of Agriculture: State Decentering and Irrigated Rice Production in Bali

This article explores state involvement in the ‘enchanted’ aspects of irrigated rice production in Bali, Indonesia. Modernising states invariably forward what Max Weber called the rationalisation and disenchantment of the world. In irrigation management, the Indonesian colonial and postcolonial states operated staunchly on this model. ‘Enchanted’ elements of Balinese rice production involving temples and rituals were assumed irrelevant and sidelined. Recently, however, bursts of state-funded construction of irrigation temples and shrines suggest a surprising shift. The post-Suharto decentralised state appears to be supporting the enchantment of irrigated agriculture. This article deals with the relationship between legislation under the decentralised state and ritual building activities in Balinese irrigation associations (subak). We examine how contemporary farmers view the new emphasis on ‘ritual technology’. Does it constitute decentralised support of the farmers' world, of local priorities and variance, or a new homogenising project?     

空间的政治:从现代主义到后现代主义

空间与政治,在今天早已"合二为一"。现代的政治空间已变为后现代的"空间的政治",其表征是丰富的多级性与多面性。后现代主义的"多元",其实是对于现代主义的"分化"的反拨,从"去分化"到发现和肯定自身的差异。"空间的政治"对于人的觉醒和人的解放,具有极其深远的意义。     

伊斯兰教与影响当代东南亚政治发展的三大问题

伊斯兰教对当代东南亚政治发展的影响 ,集中表现在三个大问题上。这三个大问题是 :分离主义对国家稳定和统一的威胁 ;宗教极端主义和恐怖主义对政治和社会稳定的破坏和冲击 ;政教分离还是政教合一之争对国内政治格局、民族、宗教关系和国家发展道路的影响。作者分析了这三个问题的背景、特点、影响和发展趋势     

埃及现代政党政治的演变

埃及现代政党政治缘起于20世纪初,历经宪政时代、纳赛尔时代和后纳赛尔时代三个阶段.从宪政时代的多党政治到纳赛尔时代的一党政治和后纳赛尔时代政党政治的多元化进程,构成埃及现代政党政治演变的明显轨迹.民族主义政党与民主主义政党的此消彼长、世俗政党与宗教政党的错综交织、议会政党与非议会政党的激烈角逐,集中体现埃及现代化进程中政治层面的历史运动.     

20世纪中国长篇小说之回顾

长篇小说是社会生活的一面镜子 ,一个时代纪念碑式的记录。 2 0世纪中国优秀的长篇小说记录了上个世纪 10 0年间中国人民的现实生活与斗争 ,是留给后人的一笔重要的精神财富。作为一种文学体式 ,长篇小说的发展也经历了曲折、嬗变、积累与突破 ,从幼稚到成熟 ,从单薄到丰厚。尤其是 2 0世纪的后 2 0年 ,长篇创作从技巧上汲取了许多异域的营养 ,从内容上深刻反映了中国改革开放以后的变化 ,从前后 5届茅盾文学奖的获奖作品中可以看到长篇创作的发展轨迹。     

论平教会在民国时期乡村建设中的作用

20世纪二三十年代,面对中国乡村严重的危机,首先由民间力量发起了一场以救济乡村为直接目标的乡村建设运动,在政府和社会各界的关注与支持下,这一建设过程一直持续到抗战时期,平教会在这个建设过程中发挥了一定的积极作用。将平教会放到整个民国时期的乡村建设中进行考察,可以探析其在乡村建设过程中利用各种有利的社会条件,充分发挥自身优势,对实验区、乡村建设运动和南京民国政府等方面起到了桥梁、示范、推动和辅助的作用。但在半殖民地、半封建的社会里,平教会是无法实现其参与乡村建设最终目的的。     

Neoliberalism,Inequality and Politics: The Changing Face of Australia

Since the early 1980s Australian public policy has undergone the most major transformation since Federation. This transformation has been underwritten by two key principles: liberalism – the view that citizens are autonomous individual actors whose interests are best served when they are free from coercive government interventions into individual action; and marketisation – the belief that free markets are arenas which best enable individual autonomy and produce efficient economic outcomes. These principles define ‘neoliberalism’ or ‘hard liberalism‘. After summarising the major policy changes identified with neoliberalism in Australia, the paper introduces a new research project that examines its impact on socioeconomic inequality, gender inequality and politics and culture. Inspection of relevant data indicates that there are important trends in inequality, public opinion and political behaviour that warrant this investigation.     

从孙中山的“知难行易”思想看民国“训政”

孙中山作为我国近代伟大的革命家,其领导的资产阶级革命成功的推翻了腐朽的封建王朝统治,并成功地建立起了我国历史上第一个资产阶级共和国。而建立＂民主＂与＂宪政＂则是孙中山民主革命中最为基本的内容。孙中山为了实现这一目标,他把革命后建立的民国的政治建设过程划分为＂军政＂、＂训政＂、＂宪政＂三个时期。支撑着他的三阶段建设思想的哲学基础正是＂知难行易＂学说。     

Women in Politics in Post-Transitional Democracies: the chilean case

This article looks at women's participation in formal political institutions in posttransition politics. Employing the case of post-dictatorship Chile, it outlines the barriers to women's participation in the formal political arena; discusses the various strategies that Chilean women are currently employing to overcome their exclusion; and finally, examines the challenges that political women confront in promoting 'women's interests' in political institutions. Throughout the article two main arguments are advanced. First, where women's movements do not demand institutional reforms during the transition period - a time when movements enjoy influence and parties are in flux - then the barriers to women in political institutions re-emerge. In Chile, the fact that women did not demand institutional reforms, such as quotas for women in decision-making positions, is linked tothe broader strategy of the movement tomake citizenship demands based on women's 'difference'. This strategy inhibited women from demanding power (i.e. access to institutions as individuals) because this conformed to a masculine-defined notion of politics inconsistent with women's 'different' style of practising politics. A second,related argument is that a strategy based on women's 'difference' hinders women in politics frompromoting feminist goals,especially in the climate ofsocial conservatism that characterizes post-transition Chilean politics. Despite these constraints and the many challenges Chilean women in politics confront, gains are being made, as women recognize the need for, and begin to demand, institutional reforms to expand their presence in formal politics.