中国南海海洋政治战略研究——论南海争端中的中国作为

就中国目前的海洋政治形势而言,南海争端已成为全球热点.从南海争端的问题属性来看,这是一个多元的、系统化的、结构化不良的政治问题,是一个重要而紧急的战略问题.从南海争端中的战略格局来看,中国面临内外双重战略压力,面临着战争与和平的两难选择.为此,中国应采取系统性的战略措施积极应对南海争端,站在国家战略角度从各层面、各领域展开实质性行动,在做好积极维护主权准备的同时,争取用政治与外交手段和平解决南海争端.     

Psychosocial risk factors and processes impeding adaptive capacities and contributing to psychosocial distress among later-life Egyptian immigrants

ABSTRACT

This qualitative study explores and describes the transactional and cumulative psychosocial stressors that later-life Egyptian immigrants encounter upon coming to the United States, and how they impede their adaptive capacities, hinder their adjustment efforts, and impact their psychosocial well-being. Such stressors are more pronounced among those who immigrated to the United States from Egypt after reaching the retirement age of 60 for two reasons. First, they experience pre-immigration stressors that force or expedite their departure from Egypt under duress, thus incurring numerous financial and symbolic losses. Secondly, in the last developmental stage, when age-related losses are triggered, they are concomitantly exposed to a starkly different lifestyle, language, cultural norms, living and financial arrangements, roles, and relationships. All such circumstances contribute to a sense of confusion, guilt, shame, and being a burden on others, which culminate in withdrawal, isolation, and distress. The findings of this study can be used to inform psychosocial and therapeutic interventions and guide the development of appropriate social work programs, services, and policies for later-life Egyptian immigrants in particular and older Arabic-speaking immigrants in general.     

WHAT MAKES THE LOCAL? A BRIEF CONSIDERATION OF THE REJUVENATION OF HONG KONG IDENTITY

This paper ascertains what makes the local and why the local is important, in the context of change in Hong Kong due to the political transition to PRC sovereignty.In doing so, I hope to pose a modest polemical challenge to cultural studies' tendency to overlook seemingly simplistic empirical information. The return of Hong Kong to China in 1997 has led to a contraction of the political sphere, as the convergence of political structures curbed the development of local identities. The label or category ‘Hong Kong people’ was then appropriated with a specific meaning for the local to resist encroachment of the national. It was true that the high intensity of dominant national discourses during the political transition created a favourable atmosphere for re-nationalization. However, as soon as the political transition was over, Hong Kongers re-adhered to their own label in their struggle for cultural autonomy.Their strong cultural affect toward various national icons during the transition quickly diminished. This multiyear discourse study (1996–1998), which utilizes social scientific methods in conjunction with cultural theories, illustrates important political and methodological impulses necessary for the formulation of a socio-political approach to cultural studies within the Hong Kong context.     

BORDERS BE DAMNED: CREOLIZING LITERARY RELATIONS

Conventional literary practices have always been used to perpetuate an us/them binary that reduces potential discussions concerning diversity, transnationalism or hybridization to a simplified relationship between dominant and subordinate categories. This article proposes that in order to avoid this predicament, cultural critics should move beyond ‘vertical’ methods of analysis and instead employ intercultural models which lend themselves to a consideration of the horizontal affiliations that can be found among women writers of colour. By engaging the writings of Jessica Hagedorn, Hisaye Yamamoto and Sandra Cisneros, the article argues that multicultural analysis enables an understanding of these (social, cultural and political) affiliations between racialized women in the United States. Further, it suggests that by comparing, contrasting, and interfacing emergent literary practices within current theories of cultural and feminist studies, critics will develop a ‘creolized’ approach which will help facilitate new alliances and sensitivity among the disenfranchised.     

谁的发展?

文章为“第四届中国农村发展研究博士生学术论坛”的综述性论文.这一届论坛具有鲜明的反思与批判取向,主题即为“谁的发展?”.文章第一部分是对论坛主题内涵的阐释,指出“谁的发展?”是一种将发展问题再政治化的提问方式,发展的政治性应该得到充分的讨论;第二部分主要介绍了论坛嘉宾中国人民大学农业与农村发展学院院长温铁军教授的主题演讲;第三部分是对各位参会者研讨内容的择要介绍.     

‘Indigenous Rights’ or ‘Racial Privileges’: The Rhetoric of ‘Race’ in New Zealand Politics

The New Zealand parliamentary election campaign of 2005 was marked by a significant break in the consensus between the two major political parties, Labour and National, in the area of Maori affairs: a consensus that had previously been articulated in terms of a shared commitment to ‘biculturalism’ and the Treaty of Waitangi. In January 2004, the National Party launched an attack on government policies, describing them as giving unfair privileges to Maori based purely on ‘race’. The present paper examines the National Party's adoption of the rhetoric of ‘race’ and the conceptual, political and ideological considerations behind it. It also examines attitudinal, social policy and socioeconomic factors to explain the widespread acceptability of this rhetoric among the New Zealand public. These events are considered within the context of a growing academic and political critique of ‘culturalism’ in New Zealand social policy and social science.     

Conceptualizing Cultural Politics in Subcultural and Social Movement Studies

In this article it is argued that combining theories of social movements and subcultures provides a way of 'conceptualizing cultural politics'. The focus is on debates that have taken place over the conceptualization of subcultures and social movements as well as the status and viability of cultural politics. Contemporary subcultural theorists are critical of the rigid concepts used by the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS) but, it is argued, they provide few feasible alternatives. They also have little to say about the supposed contemporary significance of cultural politics. New social movement (NSM) theorists, on the other hand, have generated conceptual frameworks that recognize the complexity of collective phenomena and have developed an approach which enables us to engage with the controversy over cultural politics. However, they concentrate too narrowly on struggles waged at the level of lifestyle, culture and civil society. The article shows how, like the CCCS, critics of NSM theory rightly question the potency of symbolic challenges and stress the persistent role of material issues and the continued part that conventional political actors, such as the state, play in contemporary social conflicts. Finally, the case of New Age Travellers is used to illuminate these debates in subcultural and social movement studies and to show how elements of each approach can be employed fruitfully in empirical research.     

When runways move but people don’t: The O’Hare Modernization Program and the relative immobilities of air travel

Abstract

This paper draws on Urry’s four interconnected senses of mobility to argue that the O’Hare Modernization Project, carefully framed as moving runways rather than expanding O’Hare International Airport, has differentially affected the mobilities of people and land uses in addition to airport boundaries and noise, and that work on aeromobilities has not sufficiently considered spaces on the ground beyond airport borders. The relative immobility of the built environment around a major piece of infrastructure such as O’Hare has significant material consequences when the airport itself becomes mobile, reminding us of the politics inherent to the production of mobility systems and cities.     

经济全球化背景下中国共产党的政治主导研究

政治主导是坚持政治在国家社会主要方向、方面和重点的引导、选择,并在维护阶级和国家利益中发挥政治的规范、导向和秩序作用的特性.在经济全球化的背景下,加强中国共产党在新形势下的政治主导,既是中国共产党作为执政党的职责所在,也是新世纪以来新的形势使然.中国共产党的政治主导面临着政治与经济相互交融使政治主导的形势日益复杂、部分领域和群体政治主导观念逐渐淡化、政治主导的资源丧失以及政治主导的权威丧失等诸多挑战.鉴于此,需要采取推进政治体制改革、培育政治主导资源、填补政治主导空白、丰富政治主导方式等多种措施,以切实增强中国共产党政治主导的实效.     

伊朗政治合法性与宗教合法性之构建

伊朗政治合法性和宗教合法性的构建一直受到重视,因为这有利于社会的长治久安。其政治合法性和宗教合法性的构建需要深厚坚实的基础,但处理好两者关系需要漫长的实践过程。本文以伊朗历史上具有代表性的政治制度和宗教为例,说明伊朗政治合法性和宗教合法性构建的意义、基础、途径、两者间关系及其过程。面对全球范围内的物质和精神的冲击,伊朗面临的问题是在当今国内外新形势下,如何重新构建和巩固政权的政治合法性和宗教合法性。