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111.
This study explored how normative understandings based on the nuclear family ideology are linked to constructions of single‐parent families and sheds light on the strategies single parents and their children adopt in dealing with negative accounts. Guided by social constructionist and configurational approaches, the in‐depth analysis is based on an Austrian qualitative study, comprising interviews with 50 ten‐year‐old children and their 71 parents, living in nuclear, reconstituted, and single‐parent families. The results showed that single‐parent families are constructed predominantly in terms of deficits and disadvantages, with the nuclear family serving as an ideological code along the dimensions of normalcy, complementarity, and stability. To deal with negative accounts, single parents and their children use three basic types of strategy: (a) imitation, (b) compensation, and (c) delimitation.  相似文献   
112.
Attitudes toward the use of nuclear energy pose fundamental issues in the political debate about how to meet future energy needs. Development of new nuclear power facilities faces significant opposition both from knowledgeable individuals who display an understanding of the risks attached to various forms of power generation and those who follow strict politically based ideological dogmas. This article employs data from a 2005 Eurobarometer survey of UK citizens to examine the influence of both political preferences and knowledge in explaining support of nuclear power. Findings reveal that attitudes about nuclear power are highly politically motivated while the influence of knowledge about radioactive waste is dependent upon beliefs about the consequences of nuclear energy use. Perceptions of being informed about radioactive waste and trust in sources providing information about radioactive waste management also predict attitudes toward nuclear power generation.  相似文献   
113.
朝核危机是国际社会关注的焦点,也是影响东北亚地区安全稳定的潜在挑战.为缓解这一危机,相关各方正在通过六方会谈机制寻求解决办法.这是冷战后,东北亚地区各国首次就安全问题进行多边合作,是为构建东北亚地区安全合作框架进行的一次有建设性的尝试.实现东北亚的持久和平与稳定必须要完成东北亚区域安全合作框架从合作模式到制度模式的转换.  相似文献   
114.
Nuclear facilities have long been seen as the top of the list of locally unwanted land uses (LULUs), with nuclear waste repositories generating the greatest opposition. Focusing on the case of the Waste Isolation Pilot Plant (WIPP) in southern New Mexico, we test competing hypotheses concerning the sources of opposition and support for siting the facility, including demographics, proximity, political ideology, and partisanship, and the unfolding policy process over time. This study tracks the changes of risk perception and acceptance of WIPP over a decade, using measures taken from 35 statewide surveys of New Mexico citizens spanning an 11‐year period from fall 1990 to summer 2001. This time span includes periods before and after WIPP became operational. We find that acceptance of WIPP is greater among those whose residences are closest to the WIPP facility. Surprisingly, and contrary to expectations drawn from the broader literature, acceptance is also greater among those who live closest to the nuclear waste transportation route. We also find that ideology, partisanship, government approval, and broader environmental concerns influence support for WIPP acceptance. Finally, the sequence of procedural steps taken toward formal approval of WIPP by government agencies proved to be important to gaining public acceptance, the most significant being the opening of the WIPP facility itself.  相似文献   
115.
Discusion     
Resumen

En esta investigación se estudia la validez de una versión castellana de la escala «Environmental Concern Scale» (ECS) llevada a cabo con 716 estudiantes. Las puntuaciones obtenidas por los sujetos proambientalistas y no proambientalistas resultan significativamente diferentes. Asímismo, se estudian las relaciones entre las actitudes hacia la preocupación por el medio ambiente, la energía nuclear y la ideología política, mostrándose una relación entre ellas de diferente intensidad. Mientras la energía nuclear está fuertemente vinculada a la ideología política, no sucede en tal medida entre ésta y las actitudes conservacionistas, ya que tanto los de derechas como los de izquierdas participan de la preocupación por el medio ambiente, aunque no en la misma medida.  相似文献   
116.
朝鲜核问题是由冷战后东北亚战略失衡导致朝鲜的空前的不安全感而引发的,因此,朝核问题的解决也是各利益相关方博弈的过程。两次朝核危机中,中国依据自身实力和有所侧重的外交理念,采取了不用的政策和姿态。从中国政府对朝核问题的逐步介入和目前的态势来看,在参与同中国利益密切相关的重大全球性问题过程中,如何把握量与度已然成为中国外交在全球舞台中的重要课题,而对六方会谈积极参与的成功经验可以为中国在其他全球性问题的解决上提供宝贵的经验。  相似文献   
117.
朝鲜核问题自上世纪爆发以来,虽经过六轮六方会谈和多轮双边会谈却仍一波三折难以解决,在此期间朝进行地下核试验并试射导弹成功,成为事实上的核国家。朝鲜认为发展核武器事关国家的生存发展等基本权利,而其他相关国家则认为半岛无核化更符合本国利益。就建构主义基于共有观念的解释来看,朝美双方共有观念是敌人,朝鲜与日本和韩国的共有观念也是敌人,朝鲜与中国的传统型友好关系也在框架内进行调整与再适应,与俄罗斯则形成了冷淡的邻居。因此,朝鲜实际上处于霍布斯式无政府状态中,要想获得生存和安全必须依靠自助。  相似文献   
118.
核能被视为高效、清洁的能源,然而,核能在提供能源的同时,核电事故、放射物质泄漏等灾难性事故却时有发生。核电企业的社会责任除了具有普通企业社会责任的内涵外,还应该从核电企业的特殊性质来定义。文章首先综述国内外社会责任会计评价指标体系研究现状;然后阐述我国核电企业的特殊性以及建立社会责任会计指标评价体系的必要性;再将定性与定量指标相结合,构建了一套核电企业社会责任会计指标评价体系;最后以大亚湾核电运营管理公司为例,对建立的指标进行应用分析并提出相关的合理化建议,为各利益相关者了解核电企业履行相关的社会责任情况提供决策参考。  相似文献   
119.
现今的世界上,有许多人由于内战、贫困与饥饿、环境破坏等威胁,迫使他们的生命及尊严处于危险状态,也有大批人仍然饱受着人权侵害、种族歧视的痛苦。为和平、人权、人道的奋斗,绝不是低层爬到高山的顶峰就可以达到终点那样。重要的是要创建一股一代接一代、谁也阻挡不了的滔滔洪流,并日积月累地把它发展和扩大。这就是我们为了建设一个和平未来的不断挑战。  相似文献   
120.
《Journal of homosexuality》2012,59(1):102-120
This article investigates the Norwegian newspaper debate (1998–2002) on the right of homosexual couples to adopt children. It identifies two patterns of meaning within which both anti-adoption and pro-adoption sides of the debate were located: 1) the nuclear family as reference point; and 2) a focus on innate qualities. Parallell to a continuous liberalization of sexualities in Norway we seem to witness a consensus on heteronormativity in Norway on both sides of the debate as the basic axiom in public discussions on homosexuality and adoption. In this article, we explore the nature of the heteronormative arguments and the reason for their appearance in this particular debate. The two patterns of meaning reproduce a perception of lesbians and gays as either a worthy or unworthy minority. These findings may be seen as reflecting fundamental positions regarding the Norwegian modernization project, where both sides of the debate see homosexuality as a central symbol. State feminism may also have played the role of reinforcing gender categories and thereby served as an important condition of possibility for contemporary heteronormativity.  相似文献   
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