The “what” and “who” of co-optation: gendered racialized migrations,settler nation-states and postcolonial difference

In this article, I focus on the management of postcolonial difference and the production of belonging in a white settler nation-state in order to rethink the notion of co-optation. I first develop a theoretical framework for understanding co-optation by separating the “who” and the “what” of co-optation: actors who embody diversity in public, political debate become the “who” of co-optation, as their agency is shaped by gendered and racialized processes of subject making. The “what” of co-optation revolves around particular conceptualizations of practices, rights and freedoms, associated in this case with “gender equality,” which is rendered an empty signifier in the process. I then illustrate this framework by drawing from research on the Sharia-based arbitration debate that took place in Ontario, Canada, between late 2003 and early 2006. I focus on the claims of two Canadian Muslim women activists to show that co-optation occurs as attempts to further liberation instead advance illiberal practices.     

Performance anxiety: women’s sexed bodies in Pakistan

The nexus of Islam, gender, race and violence has been keenly revisited in some post-9/11 scholarship. The concern over the racialized Muslim male body is justifiable in cases of rendition, torture and the kind of battlefields that mark the War on Terror. However, the sympathetic analysis of the tortured Muslim male body as a permanent and universally vulnerable imaginary has necessarily challenged the framing of sexual politics for Muslim contexts. This bid to shield the vulnerable Muslim male body from Islamophobia and imperialist violence forecloses the notion that Islamist patriarchy and politics can themselves be fundamentally violent in the post-9/11 moment and within the Muslim community. This obscures the range of routine, domestic and normative violent expressions observed by men in Muslim societies. This essay discusses two cases that illustrate the means and methods by which female bodies have been sexed by the narrative of the War on Terror in Pakistan. These cases highlight how the academic efforts that seek to rescue the racialized Muslim male body complicate the struggle of resisting (lay) female bodies.     

Labor Market Disparities Between African Americans and Afro Caribbeans: Reexamining the Role of Immigrant Selectivity

Black immigrants from the Caribbean have long attained greater labor market success than African Americans. The most recent studies show that Afro Caribbeans have earnings that are approximately 16% greater than African Americans and that Afro Caribbeans are as much as 21% more likely to be employed than African Americans. The most prominent explanation for greater Afro Caribbean success is that, because they have chosen to migrate, Afro Caribbeans are positively self‐selected on characteristics that are key for success in the U.S. labor market. Proponents of immigrant selectivity argue that migrants have greater levels of both hard and soft skills than nonmigrants. Using data from the National Survey of American Life—the first social survey to provide a nationally representative sample of both African Americans and Afro Caribbeans—this study finds that Afro Caribbeans have greater hard skills than African Americans but split the difference on two measures of soft skills: African Americans and Afro Caribbeans are matched on John Henryism, but African Americans have greater personal mastery than Afro Caribbeans. Contrary to expectations, controlling for differences in hard and soft skills does not provide for a meaningful reduction in labor market disparities between African Americans and Afro Caribbeans.     

The Othering of Muslims: Discourses of Radicalization in the New York Times, 1969–2014

In this article, I engage with Edward Said's Orientalism and various perspectives within the othering paradigm to analyze the emergence and transformation of radicalization discourses in the news media. Employing discourse analysis of 607 New York Times articles from 1969 to 2014, this article demonstrates that radicalization discourses are not new but are the result of complex sociolinguistic and historical developments that cannot be reduced to dominant contemporary understandings of the concept or to singular events or crises. The news articles were then compared to 850 government documents, speeches, and other official communications. The analysis of the data indicates that media conceptualizations of radicalization, which once denoted political and economic differences, have now shifted to overwhelmingly focus on Islam. As such, radicalization discourse now evokes the construct radicalization as symbolic marker of conflict between the West and the East. I also advanced the established notion that the news media employ strategic discursive strategies that contribute to conceptual distinctions that are used to construct Muslims as an “alien other” to the West.     

Human capital,family structure and religiosity shaping British Muslim women’s labour market participation

Economic activity among Muslim women in the UK remains considerably lower and their unemployment rate significantly higher than among the majority group even after controlling for qualifications and other individual characteristics. This study utilises two data sets to explore possible factors underlying these differences, such as overseas qualifications, language skills and religiosity. It reveals that while religiosity is negatively associated with labour market participation among British Christian-White women, economic activity among Muslim women are not negatively affected by high religiosity. Furthermore, family structure and the presence of dependent children were among the most important factors explaining the latter’s labour market participation, although these relationships were moderated by qualifications. More women with higher qualifications were economically active even if married and with children, although some of them experienced greater unemployment, probably due to discrimination in recruiting practices and choices and preferences on religious grounds.     

Behind the ethnic–civic distinction: Public attitudes towards immigrants’ political rights in the Netherlands

Public opinion research has sought to distinguish between ethnic and civic conceptions of citizenship and examined the differential associations of these conceptions with policy preferences in the realm of immigration. What has not been examined empirically is why exactly these conceptions are related to people’s preferences. In two survey studies conducted among national samples of native Dutch we tested the proposition that the endorsement of ethnic citizenship is related to lower acceptance of Muslim immigrant rights (Study 1) and their political participation (Study 2) because of a weaker normative sense of common national belonging and higher adherence to autochthony (primo-occupancy) beliefs. In contrast, the endorsement of civic citizenship was expected to be associated with higher acceptance of Muslim immigrant rights and their political participation because of a stronger sense of common belonging and lower belief in autochthony. The findings of the two studies are similar and in support of these expectations.     

浅谈约旦穆斯林兄弟会与政府的关系

长期以来,约旦穆斯林兄弟会与政府保持着良好的合作关系。穆斯林兄弟会不仅未受政府的压制,反而处于上升的态势。这有别于埃及和其他国家穆斯林兄弟会与政府之间纷繁多变的关系,这种合作关系在整个中东地区的伊斯兰运动中都是罕见的。鉴于此,本文拟就约旦穆兄会与政府的关系作一论述。     

Multicultural education in Thailand

This study examines multicultural education policy in Thailand. The researcher used the qualitative research methods of interviewing, observation and document examination to obtain data. Theory about multicultural education was used as a theoretical framework. The sites of study were eight primary schools that served students from diverse cultures – Muslim, Buddhist, Burmese, Cambodian and Thai – in the southern provinces of Thailand. Results showed that current educational policies do provide opportunity for migrant students to access public education. The Ministry of Education has allowed schools to apply their own rules and regulations that reflect the diverse cultures of their students. The results also show that the curriculum includes references to various cultures, that textbooks contain content that encourages students to live in harmony with people from different cultures and that some schools have implemented bilingual education programs. However, deeper analysis of school practices made it clear that what seems to be an acceptance of cultural diversity is just another form of assimilation. The well-established features that define Thainess remain intact and the inclusion of culturally specific content is insufficient to change the unequal power relations among dominant and minority groups in Thailand.     

Self-Assessment and Change in One's Profession: Notes on the Phenomenology of Aging Among Mid-Life Women

Using data from a pilot study of mid-life, mid-career women in nursing, this research note suggests further exploration of women's work roles in understanding subjective assessments of self and aging. The analysis shows that among the nurses studied, dynamics of occupational or professional change were related to views of self in the future. These issues of change rather than age graded norms for achievement were paramount in the nurses' self assessment.     

Cooperative Parenting Arrangements After Marital Separation

The identification of factors that predict cooperation and agreement between ex-spouses is important to understanding and promoting healthy post-divorce among parents and their children. This study of 64 separated and divorced parents was intended as an initial investigation of ex-couples who are able to negotiate and maintain mutually agreeable shared parenting arrangements, without legal or mental health intervention. As expected, these cooperating ex-couples selected from a wider range of custody and access arrangements than demographically similar ex-couples in disagreement about parenting arrangements. Also consistent with expectation, interparental cooperation and disagreements influenced the proportions of time children spent with their parents, whereas type of custody and access arrangement did not. Although all children tended to spend more time with their mothers than with their fathers, this discrepancy was greater for disagreeing than cooperating ex-couples. As hypothesized, histories of domestic violence were less likely among cooperating ex-couples than disagreeing ex-couples. Finally, the hypothesis that cooperating ex-couples are generally more satistied with their lives than disputing ex-couples was supported by the results of a MANOVA. However, subsequent univariate analyses revealed that cooperating and disagreeing ex-couples did not differ in their levels of satisfaction with their social lives and their financial situations. These findings and additional exploratory comparisons between the two groups were interpreted as potential avenues for subsequent investigations of cooperating ex-couples.