土司学：发生逻辑、研究指向与建设路径

土司研究逐步融合与渐进深入,土司学应运而生。作为一门专学,学界应当系统建构土司学。根据已有的研究成果,土司学建构仍需从发生逻辑、研究指向、建设进路三个方面着力。既要避免土司学研究的碎片化,又要反对研究的泛化,同时要兼顾专学理论的系统化,这是建构土司学不可绕过的驿站。土司学建构尚处于探索阶段,其讨论并未尘埃落定。广大学者不遗余力地推动土司学的建构,2014年8月,“中华炎黄文化研究会土司文化专业委员会”的成立,有力地整合了土司研究的人员、资源和机构。《中国土司学导论》一书的付梓,是土司学建构的开创之举。土司学论纲、土司词典等系统性的关于土司学的研究,应成为当下学者们的鼎力之向。     

经学与刘勰的文学思想

经学对刘勰文学思想的影响在《文心雕龙》中主要体现在四个方面：一是总论篇中表现出的取经典为模范的思想,即刘勰有意识的＂宗经＂为其文学思想提供了强有力的依傍;二是刘勰的文学本质观与经学有显而易见的牵连;三是刘勰的文学作品论向经学的复归;四是创作论中的物感说与通变观对经学思想的借鉴。     

大学化学系列课程教学改革的研究与实践

论述了非化学化工类专业大学生,实施高教层次的化学教育的必要性、教学目标和教学改革的思路。总结了课题组的研究成果。     

开创风物传说研究的新格局——评陈金文先生新著《壮族风物传说的文化研究》

陈佥文先生长期致力于民间传说研究，其新著《壮族风物传说的文化研究》以文化学为理论视角，系统、深入地研究壮族风物传说，开创了民间风物传说研究的新格局。     

太原伊斯兰教研究

本文首先介绍了太原地名的历史沿革,接着概括了太原伊斯兰教的地位,探讨了伊斯兰教传入太原的时间。然后将太原与附近有关城市放在一起作为一个特殊的传播地带来探讨伊斯兰教在这里的普传。紧接着又扼要介绍了明、清、民国三代外地穆斯林向太原的逐步移居、10个主要穆斯林姓氏的职业情况及清末的一些穆斯林商号。随后重点介绍了太原清真古寺的建筑成就,列举了其中的众多碑刻牌匾;重点介绍了明清之际傅山与梁、文、李等姓穆斯林的友谊及他们之间的回儒或回汉文化交流。最后探讨了太原伊斯兰教的近代转型及其特点。     

明确定位，差异培养，推进实践性教学体系建设——广州城市职业学院实践性教学改革与实践

广州城市职业学院自组建以来,在明确学院各专业办学定位的基础上,实行差异化的人才培养战略,不断改革人才培养模式,探索工学结合的有效形式,突出学生实践能力培养,进行专业与课程体系重构,加强实习实训基地建设。经过三年的改革与实践,取得显著成效。     

试论隋唐时期《论语》学衰落的原因

隋唐时期,《论语》研究无论是在数量上,还是在质量上较前代都有所下降。主要原因在于,在统一经学的旗帜下,统治者垄断了经典话语的解释权;鼓励诵读的科举制度以及以古为上的学术观念,限制了经学的发展空间;崇道尊佛政策的实行,也在一定程度上冲击了儒家经学的地位。如此的学术观念,如此的考试制度,如此的宗教政策,奢望儒家学术有大的创新与发展是不可能的。因此,经学衰落了,《论语》学也衰落了。     

鲍德温•斯宾塞与后维多利亚时代的古典人类学

The post-Victorian anthropologist Baldwin Spencer was the first to investigate the central and northern aboriginal tribes of Australia. His ethnographic works in this area have greatly in-fluenced related disciplines and studies in fields such as kinship, totem worship, and primitive reli-gions. In the field of classics and anthropology, Spencer’s academic heritage has received wide-spread respect and recognition, and has made sub-sequent academic discussion possible. In order to present Spencer’s personal experiences and aca-demic ideas clearly and comprehensively, it is nec-essary to return to the post-Victorian context, and comb Spencer’ s life history and academic history. Taking important clues from various times an e-vents in his life, the paper introduces three peri-ods:Spencer’s early training in the discipline and his epistemic background, his medium-term eth-nographic investigations and works, and the later investigations of Tierra del Fuego. Textual study, based on Spencer’s life history and academic histo-ry, is very useful to understand his ethnographic investigations. Sir Walter Baldwin Spencer ( 1860 -1929 ) was born on 23 June, 1860 in Lancashire, Eng-land. Spencer was educated at Old Trafford School and at the Manchester School of Art. His interest in art and sketching was lifelong, and would reveal itself in his competence as a scientific draftsman and illustrator ( D. J. Mulvaney,1990 ) . Entering Owens College ( Victoria University of Manchester) in 1879, Spencer intended to study medicine. In-spired by Milnes Marshall, a disciple of Darwin disciple, he became a committed evolutionary biol-ogist, soon abandoning conventional religion. He entered the University of Oxford in 1881 to study
science under Professor H. N. Moseley, who com-bined an enthusiasm for evolutionary biology with ethnological interests. Spencer grasped Oxford ’ s diverse opportunities, which included lectures by Ruskin and E. B. Tylor. In 1887, Spencer ar-rived at Melbourne University . With his colleague Professor David Masson, Spencer helped to trans-form university standards and they co-operated as entrepreneurs of Australian science. Spencer was recruited as zoologist and photog-rapher in the 1894 Horn scientific exploration ex-pedition to central Australia. His anthropological interest was rekindled when he met F. J. Gillen, the Alice Springs postmaster, during the expedi-tion. In 1896 Spencer joined Gillen for the most intensive fieldwork then attempted in Australia. The Native Tribes of Central Australia ( 1899 ) , which resulted, was to influence contemporary theories on social evolution and interpretations of the origins of art and ceremonial practices. Spencer and Gillen drove a buggy from Oodnadatta to Borroloola in 1901-02 . Their research resulted in The Northern Tribes of Central Australia ( 1904 );Haddon had written that the names of Spencer and Gillen are familiar to every ethnologist in the world, and probably no books on ethnology have been so wide-ly noticed and criticized as have The Native Tribes of Central Australia and The Northern Tribes of Central Australia (A. C. Haddon ,1902). To assist the Government of the Common-wealth, Spencer was appointed Special Commis-sioner for Aboriginals in the Northern Territory, and also their Chief Protector. He also led three other scientists, including J. A. Gilruth, on the 1911 Preliminary Scientific Expedition. Native Tribes of the Northern Territory of Australia (1914)
described his ethnographic observations and the ex-tensive collections made on the expedition. At the government ’ s request, Spencer visited Alice Springs and Hermannsburg in 1923 . He published The Arunta: A Study of a Stone Age People ( 2 vols, 1927 ) to respond to the criticisms derived from Carl Stretlow and defend his work. A popular rewrite of previous books followed—Wanderings in Wild Australia ( 2 vols, 1928 )—this time under his sole authorship. Spencer retired as emeritus professor in 1919 . His nerves and his judgments were impaired from the strain of continuous overwork, the virtual disin-tegration of his marriage, and he was finally hospi-talized in 1921 . His health improved and within two years he resumed anthropological activities and rebuilt his art collection. He sailed to Tierra del Fuego together with Jean Hamilton to undertake anthropological studies early in 1929. Spencer, with an unrivalled record of anthropological field-work in Australia, undertook this journey to fill a gap in our knowledge, and compare very different and remote races of mankind (A. C. H. ,1931). However, his gallant attempt was prematurely frus-trated by his death from angina pectoris, at which point he had been only two months in the field. His notes were organized and published as Spencer’s Last Journey (1931). His achievements were recognized. Elected as a fellow of the Royal Society in 1900 , he was ap-pointed C. M. G. in 1904 and K. C. M. G. in 1916 . Manchester University conferred him with an honorary doctorate of science, while Melbourne a-warded him a doctorate of letters. Exeter College, Oxford, elected him to an honorary fellowship in 1907 , and stained glass in its hall commemorates his contribution. James Frazer’s letter to Spencer in 1899 was prophetic: books like mine, merely speculative, will be superseded sooner or later ( the sooner the better for the sake of truth) by bet-ter induction based on fuller knowledge;books like yours, containing records of observations, will nev-er be superseded ( John M. Cooper, 1932 ) . Therefore, the sense and value of reading and un-derstanding Spencer and his books today goes with-out saying.     

In Vino Pecunia? The Association Between Beverage-Specific Drinking Behavior and Wages

The positive association between moderate alcohol consumption and wages is well documented in the economic literature. Positive health effects as well as networking mechanisms serve as explanations for the “alcohol–income puzzle.” Using individual-based microdata from the SOEP for 2006, we confirm that this relationship exists for Germany as well. More importantly, we shed light on the alcohol–income puzzle by analyzing, for the first time, the association between beverage-specific drinking behavior and wages. In our analysis, we disentangle the general wage effect of drinking into diverse effects for different types of drinkers. Mincerian estimates reveal significant and positive relationships between wine drinkers and wages as well as between multiple beverage drinkers and wages. When splitting the sample into age groups, the “drinking gain” disappears for employees under the age of 35 and increases in size and significance for higher age groups. We also find a “beer gain” for the oldest age group and male residents of rural areas as well as a “cocktail gain” for residents of urban areas. Several explanations for our empirical results are discussed in view of the likelihood that the alcohol–income puzzle is a multicausal phenomenon.