“I Really Belong Here”: Civic Capacity-Building among Returning Citizens

This article focuses on unlikely movement actors whose civic engagement has been understudied: people with criminal records (“returning citizens”). We present findings from 18 months of ethnographic research with members (leaders) of Fighting to Overcome Records and Create Equality (FORCE), a civic group led by returning citizens. FORCE leaders received institutional support from Community Renewal Society (CRS), a larger faith and community-based organization, to lead a rights reform movement in Chicago. Findings suggest that FORCE leaders constructed notions of kinship, recognition, and power through civic capacity-building efforts—and that social belonging was core to such capacity-building efforts. While bonding social belonging occurred as FORCE leaders formed kinship with people facing similar social and economic marginality, bridging social belonging emerged as leaders felt recognized by CRS staff organizers, affiliates, and elected officials. Bonding and bridging social belonging enabled FORCE leaders, who faced constant social exclusion in society, to experience much needed kinship, recognition, and power. Future studies should continue to uncover how local capacity-building processes have life-changing relational effects on movement participants from socially and economically marginalized groups.     

The Leverage of Protest: Market,Media, and Reputational Disruption in Social Movement Success

How do social movements gain concessions from large corporations? The ability of protests to attain leverage by imposing disruption costs on their targets is widely assumed but less often tested. In this article, we assess the ability of protests to attain concessions by disrupting three broad sources of interest to firm officials: maximizing shareholder value, gaining positive media, and fostering a well-reputed image. In contrast to the body of research on the benefits to movements from shaping media discourses and damaging the reputations of their targets, we find that only market disruption provides protests with leverage. We show this through statistical analyses of an original database of protests against large corporations in the United States over five years, 2005–2009. This study advances social movement and organizational research by demonstrating the ways in which the interests of large corporations provide insurgents with means of attaining leverage over their targets. It also speaks to the broad debate over the importance of disrupting the material versus symbolic interests of movement targets. Our results suggest that when it comes to obtaining concessions from large corporations, it is material disruption and not symbolic disruption that provides movements with leverage.     

从霍桑对齐灵渥斯的偏见看其宗教观

《红字》的读者深受霍桑对三位主角截然不同的描写影响,认为齐灵渥斯是罪恶最深厚的罪人,而他的诸多正常人的权利及人性需求却一直得不到理解和支持。由于霍桑矛盾而狭隘的宗教观,以及他对该人物存在一定的偏见,从而形成了笔下丑恶的魔鬼:齐灵渥斯。     

深化习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想研究需要注意的若干问题

深入研究习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想是中国学界的重要使命。当前学界关于习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的研究已经形成了诸多优秀成果,但同时也存在一些问题,主要体现在问题意识、研究主题和对象、逻辑话语、方法范式、研究内容等层面。站在社会主义现代化建设的新的历史起点上,深化习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想研究,应立足中国大地和中国实践,不断提升现实洞察力,在把握历史规律的基础上丰富研究的思想性,创造出更多引人入胜、令人澎湃、引发深思、充满启迪的经典作品。     

从《文心雕龙》不提《世说新语》看刘勰的文学观

体大虑周的《文心雕龙》广泛论及了魏晋以来的作家、作品,而唯独对六朝文学中地位甚高、影响至远的《世说新语》只字未提,究其原因,我想主要还是刘勰的文学观造成的:原道、征圣、宗经而崇尚雅正,不满谐隐、杂说;崇儒为主,兼修佛道,反对玄谈;萧统文学集团的参照;重古略今,不论近世。     

论金朝女真族的社会阶层流动及其评价

金朝女真族社会阶层的流动,主要是指金朝女真族、奴婢地位的升降变迁和猛安谋克户分化两个方面的问题.同时,金朝统治集团应对社会阶层流动的政策包括了顺应历史趋势和阻碍女真族社会发展的两个方面.     

国际官方统计的新发展

联合国统计委员会会议是国际统计界的盛会,集中反映全球官方统计的最新成果和进展。本文对联合国统计委员会第50届会议最主要的若干问题,包括《2030年可持续发展议程》的数据和指标、官方统计基本原则、国家质量保证框架、官方统计使用大数据、国民账户体系、统计用途商业登记册、价格统计、住户调查、国际比较方案等领域的新发展进行了概述,从4个方面提出了国际官方统计的新发展对中国政府统计工作的启示。     

#BlackLivesMatter: Innovative Black Resistance

Since 2013, extrajudicial police killings of black people have captured the attention of U.S. and international media, substantially because of the work of leaders in the Black Lives Matter (#BLM) movement. #BLM is simultaneously a group of localized organizations and a broad online social movement. In this article, we examine the #BLM movement in detail, with particular emphasis on the following aspects of the movement: (1) its innovative organizational practices and social media use; (2) its accent on black perspectives (counterframing) of systemic racial oppression, heteronormativity, and capitalism; and (3) its broad emphasis on oppressed Americans, including black women and LGBTQ people. We also situate the #BLM movement within the surrounding system of racial oppression, including the historical role of racialized policing in maintaining social control of blacks. We detail the long tradition of black social movements, especially black feminist organizing, against systemic racial oppression. In doing so, we intend to contribute social movement theorizing that more fully considers powerful counterframed perspectives of black activists in U.S. social movements. Although the #BLM movement reflects black feminism and past civil rights movement struggles, it is a uniquely twenty‐first‐century social movement that uses new technologies for innovative social protest.     

Issues in the integration of religious education and worldviews education in an intercultural context

ABSTRACT

The Council of Europe’s 2008 ‘Recommendation’ advocates the study of ‘non-religious convictions’ in schools in addition to religions. In 2018, there is evidence of growing academic interest in the inclusion of non-religious worldviews in the school curriculum, but few European countries include such a study within religious education. The guidance document, Signposts, recognises that the integration of religions and non-religious worldviews is problematic for policy makers, teacher trainers and schools and that there is a need for further research. Norway and England are at significant but different stages in the process of integration. This article presents a comparative study which draws on the findings of research in both countries which has investigated the process at classroom and policy levels, and issues raised by this. Four issues are explored: practical challenges; differing understandings of the concept of worldviews; the inclusion of non-religious worldviews as a political issue and influences on the selection of worldviews. The article concludes with a discussion of issues and findings within a supranational context and makes recommendations which highlight the value of integration and the need for both contextual studies and further comparative research.     

Pussy grabs back: bestialized sexual politics and intersectional failure in protest posters for the 2017 women’s march

The women’s march on Washington on January 21 2017 and its more than 600 sister marches across the world was characterized by its distinctly feline theme. Most notable were the pink pussy hats and a multitude of signs that played on the historical association between women and cats to resist the crude remarks made by US presidential nominee Donald Trump who bragged of grabbing women “by the pussy.” This article explores this feline counterframing from a vegan feminist perspective. A content analysis was performed on photographs that were published in Why I March (2017) and uploaded to the Women’s March on Washington Archives Project, the Georgia State University Women’s Marches 2017 Collection, and Instagram in Spring 2017. Results illustrate the persistent role that animality plays in feminist politics, but they also point to a critical intersectional failure exhibited by an ultimately anthropocentric collective.