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211.
王允武  才让旺秀 《民族学刊》2016,7(5):35-43,107-108
Under the situation that traditional beliefs have remained basically unchanged while the social economy has developed and population mobility has increased, with the trend of an in-creasing diversity in beliefs, and an increasing number of religious followers and temples, the management of religious affairs has become more difficult. In ethnic areas, the speed of moderniza-tion has accelerated, ethnic interactions are fre-quent, and the beneficial conflict or cultural con-flict among various ethnic groups has become nor-mal; the impact of modernity, ways of life, the value and ideals of the temples’ traditional culture and educational model brings new social pressure for the monks who are adapting to modernization, and making a leap in development while safeguard-ing traditional rituals, culture, religious education and development. The number of criminal cases involving monks has increased, which brings a strong negative influence to the religious followers in Tibetan areas. All these factors are directly in-fluencing the stability and harmonious development of the Tibetan areas. As the second-largest Tibetan area, the geo-graphical location of Sichuan’s Tibetan areas is u-nique. In ancient times, the policy of “keeping the Tibetan areas stable means keeping Kham sta-ble at first” had been an important measure for the central government to manage all of the Tibetan ar-eas. From the Qing dynasty to the present times, it still has a practical use, and even has special val-ue in the process of safeguarding the “long-term stability of Sichuan”, especially when the people have but a hazy understanding of the relationship between the freedom of faith and managing reli-gious affairs according to the law in Tibetan areas, and one needs to have a legal response to it. Hence, “keeping Kham stable” needs to depend on the law, and legal means should be taken to safeguard the harmony and stability of the Tibetan areas in Sichuan. Management of the religious affairs according to the law is an inevitable requirement for China to promote the goal of ruling the country by law, com-prehensively deepen reform, and promote the mod-ernization of the country’s governance system and capability. Based on an active response to the guidance principle of strengthening the manage-ment of religious affairs according to the law pro-posed by the Central Government, and the Sichuan Provincial Government, we should standardize reli-gious activities and affairs, insist on a combination of legal management and policy guidance, adopt various measures, search for a practicable path to realize the significant goal of managing the religious affairs according to the law in Tibetan areas of Si-chuan. This article proposes some methods of man-aging the religious affairs according to the law as follows:1 ) To insist on the CPC’s leadership in reli-gious work and management of religious affairs;2 ) to actively and reliably promote the systematic con-
struction of the legalization of religious affairs;3 ) to insist on the combination of legal management and policy guidance;4 ) to encourage the public to manage religious affairs according to law; 5 ) to standardize the scale and number of monks by u-sing new methods of management;6 ) to strengthen the role of the “four troops” ( Party and Govern-ment leading cadres,ethnic religious work cadres, ethnic minority cadres and talents, and religious believers ) , especially religious believers; 7 ) to make full use of the regulatory framework of the Buddhist community; 8 ) to create conditions for those monks who wish to return to secular life;9 ) to distinguish the boundary between normal and il-legal religious activities, between folk custom and extreme religious concepts; 10 ) to identify and distinguish between “monks and lay people”, and“ordinary cases and religious cases”. At present, there are four foundations for managing religious affairs according to the law:1 ) the idea that freedom of faith is not only one’s right, but also one’s duty has gradually enjoyed popular support;2 ) there is a good policy base for managing religious affairs according to the law;3 ) there is a relatively strong theoretical basis for managing religious affairs according to the law;4 ) there exists good legal support for managing reli-gious affairs according to the law.  相似文献   
212.
《Sociological Forum》2018,33(3):757-782
Despite the prevalent assumption among scholars of social movements and contentious politics that transformative contentious events are also the focus of public attention and discussion, there has been little attempt to substantiate this. After making a case for why to focus on focusing events and suggesting that these events should be thought of as products of a dialogical contentious meaning‐making process, we develop a coverage attribute‐based method for identifying focusing events. For illustrative purposes, we apply our method to the coverage of contentious events during the “first” intifada by Israeli‐Jewish, Jewish settler, and Palestinian newspapers. Findings from analyses of 11,868 news items reveal that newspapers are likely to strategically quiet contentious events that are strategically amplified by newspapers affiliated with opposing or targeted parties, and vice versa, depending on their interpretation of these events as political opportunities or threats. Analyses of variations across and within contending parties reveal the role of structure and agency in the dialogical seesaw‐like dynamics of contentious meaning‐making.  相似文献   
213.
Immigrants at the beginning of the twenty-first century are located in a more diverse set of metropolitan areas than at any point in U.S. history. Whether immigrants' residential prospects are helped or hindered in new versus established immigrant-receiving areas has been the subject of debate. Using multilevel models and data from the New Immigrant Survey (NIS), a nationally representative sample of newly legalized immigrants to the U.S., we move beyond aggregate-level analyses of residential segregation to specify the influence of destination type on individual-level immigrant residential outcomes. The findings indicate that immigrants in new and minor destinations are significantly more likely to live in tracts with relatively more non-Hispanic whites and relatively fewer immigrants and poor residents. These residential advantages persist net of individual-level controls but are largely accounted for by place-to-place differences in metropolitan composition and structure. Our exclusive focus on newly legalized immigrants means that our findings do not necessarily contradict the possibility of worse residential prospects in new areas of settlement, but rather qualifies it as not extending to the newly authorized population.  相似文献   
214.
Using the 2006–2014 General Social Survey and 2006–2012 Portraits of American Life Study, I find that on three dimensions of social connectedness: social interaction frequency, core discussion network size, and number of close ties, that religious service attenders are more connected than religious non-attenders and then either spiritual nor religious, but there are few differences between attenders and the spiritual but not religious. Difference-in-differences and fixed-effects models show little evidence that switches between categories are associated with changes in connectedness, and additional models show that prior social connectedness explains only a small amount of future switches. This paper challenges assumptions that the non-religious are a homogenous group lacking the benefits provided though the social networks of religious congregations and has implications for research on what it means to be spiritual, measuring religion and spirituality, and understanding the role of formal organizations in social life.  相似文献   
215.
新农村建设中农民非制度化政治参与探析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
建设社会主义新农村,是我们党从国家发展的全局出发确定的一项重大历史任务。随着社会主义新农村建设的进行,我国农民的政治参与出现了许多不规范的形式,诸如行贿活动、越级上访、黑恶势力的渗透与干预等,在一定程度上妨碍了新农村建设。因此,分析农民非制度化政治参与的现状和原因,寻求解决目前我国农民大量非制度化政治参与问题的措施,逐步将农民的政治参与引入制度化的轨道就显得尤为重要。  相似文献   
216.
发端于五四时期的现代新儒家之基本价值倾向是主张现代化的,因而它亦应归于"五四新文化运动"的范畴,所谓"五四新文化运动是全盘反传统"的论断是不成立的。中国文化现代开展的内在逻辑体现为从"外在冲击"到"内在转化",五四新文化运动构成了这一过程的的转折点,虽然它的批判和否定曾经对中国文化传统造成了一定的冲击,但它没有也不可能造成中国文化传统的断裂。就中国文化现代开展的整体进程而言,中国文化精神之主体性的挺立是一个不断得到加强的过程,中国文化传统受到了越来越多的重视。五四新文化运动所开启的文化格局进一步充实和丰富了中国文化的生命力,为中国文化传统面向21世纪的新开展增添了新的生机与活力。  相似文献   
217.
文化现代化是现代化中最艰难的文化转型.新中国60年来,历史的发展赋予中国文化现代化以鲜明的时代特征.思考新中国60年来文化现代化,从文化与经济政治、时代性与民族性、本土化与全球化、一元与多元、文化事业和文化产业、人的发展与社会发展等六对矛盾着手,辨证把握中国文化现代化的特征,有助于我们深化对中国文化现代化的规律性和艰巨性的认识.  相似文献   
218.
从1949年新中国成立至今,已经整整印年.新中国60年的历程,就是党领导全国各族人民探索、建立、发展中国特色社会主义的光辉历程.新中国成立60年以来,我们在经济建设、政治建设、文化建设和社会建设等各方面取得了举世瞩目的辉煌成就.总结新中国60年的宝贵经验,有助于我们坚持中国特色社会主义道路,进一步推动中国特色社会主义伟大事业向前发展.  相似文献   
219.
在先民的思想世界中,“天”兼具自然性与宗教性,但是在周以后,随着人文精神的觉醒,“天”的这两种性质逐渐分离开来,一方面是其自然性凸现出来而与人相分离;但更重要的是“天”的宗教性的意涵转化成为人的道德的根源,因而具有了本体论的意味,但它与人的终极关怀和功夫修养仍然紧密联系。因此,通过与西方理性主义思想传统的比较,我们可以发现儒学同时具有宗教性与哲学性的特质。  相似文献   
220.
齐霁  马晓丹 《学术探索》2009,(5):114-122
由于建国以前云南所在的西南地区是我国烟毒泛滥最为严重的地区,到建国初期云南烟毒泛滥的情况仍然十分严重,种植、制造、贩运、吸食烟毒活动仍有蔓延之势,严重影响着人民的健康、国民经济的恢复、政权的巩固和社会的安定。新中国成立后,中共云南省委和省人民政府按照中共中央、政务院和中共中央西南局、西南军政委员会的统一部署,积极投入禁毒斗争,最终从源头上堵住了烟毒的泛滥,基本上解决了建国以前云南历届政府均无法解决的烟毒问题,有力地促进了云南的经济发展和社会进步,并积累了丰富的成功经验。  相似文献   
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