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91.
在现代教育理论的指导下,探讨运用多媒体网络教学优势。多媒体网络辅助教学作为一种先进的教学手段在教学各方面都起着非常重要的作用,丰富课堂内容,激发学生学习兴趣,培养学生创新思维和解决问题的能力,提高普通化学教学质量。  相似文献   
92.
In the 21st Century global public relations professional community, the need for a postmodern reformation is compellingly evident. Most theorizing begins with basic assumptions about the three main social actors for which public relations has been practiced: (1) corporations, (2) nongovernmental and civil society organizations (NGOs and CSOs), and (3) governments. Questions about society itself are rarely examined, but when they do come up, scholars and practitioners tend to assume generally accepted values and mores. Neglected has been a robust criticism of the concepts upon which such paradigms have been built.  相似文献   
93.
本文将对西部农民参加新农村合作医疗的财政扶持政策的实施作为一个自然实验,应用微观经济计量方法分析了财政扶持政策对西部农民参加新农村合作医疗的影响。研究结果表明,与2004年相比,2006年西部农民参加新农村合作医疗的概率增加了96.46%,说明针对西部农民参加新农村合作医疗的财政扶持政策作用效果显著。  相似文献   
94.
网络信任是随着网络时代的来临而出现的新的信任类型,是网络社交发展到一定阶段的后天产物。其发生主体是切实的社会个体在网络空间形塑的虚拟角色,发生情境是个体互动所处的具体网络空间,其建构过程大致经历了初建、维系与深化、破裂、走向现实几个阶段。网络信任的建构过程不断涉及个人的认知与判断,信任决定的修正依据是个体在网络社交过程中逐渐暴露出的信息。网络信任的发生概率非常低,仅极少数的信任获得了稳定发展,甚至转变为现实信任。  相似文献   
95.
网络游戏已经成为青少年的一种普遍娱乐方式,而网络新闻在公众对网游青少年玩家的认识过程中起着重要作用,它们经常从不同角度来报道并放大具有典型意义的网游青少年玩家个案,以此建构网游青少年玩家的形象并引导人们对该群体的印象存储。通过对11年来人民网与新浪网中相关报道的内容分析,发现网络新闻对网游青少年玩家媒介形象构建时出现偏差,形成对网游青少年玩家污名化形象建构的影响。  相似文献   
96.
分析了当前大学物理实验教学在教学、学习和内容上对学生创新力造成制约的现象。在此基础上,从激发学生兴趣营造创新环境、强化心理培养、改革大学物理实验教学体系和建立实践实训基地四个方面提出了对大学生创新能力培养的措施。  相似文献   
97.
Following the shooting of Mark Duggan by police on 4 August 2011, there were riots in many large cities in the UK. As the rioting was widely perceived to be perpetrated by the urban poor, links were quickly made with Britain's welfare policies. In this paper, we examine whether the riots, and the subsequent media coverage, influenced attitudes toward welfare recipients. Using the British Social Attitudes survey, we use multivariate difference‐in‐differences regression models to compare attitudes toward welfare recipients among those interviewed before (pre‐intervention: i.e. prior to 6 August) and after (post‐intervention: 10 August–10 September) the riots occurred (N = 3,311). We use variation in exposure to the media coverage to test theories of media persuasion in the context of attitudes toward welfare recipients. Before the riots, there were no significant differences between newspaper readers and non‐readers in their attitudes towards welfare recipients. However, after the riots, attitudes diverged. Newspaper readers became more likely than non‐readers to believe that those on welfare did not really deserve help, that the unemployed could find a job if they wanted to and that those on the dole were being dishonest in claiming benefits. Although the divergence was clearest between right‐leaning newspaper and non‐newspaper readers, we do not a find statistically significant difference between right‐ and left‐leaning newspapers. These results suggest that media coverage of the riots influenced attitudes towards welfare recipients; specifically, newspaper coverage of the riots increased the likelihood that readers of the print media expressed negative attitudes towards welfare recipients when compared with the rest of the population.  相似文献   
98.
99.
This study applied a cultural divergence approach to examine online marketing interactivity and corporate public image on corporate websites. It analyzed different online strategic communication of corporate websites from two different nations—the United States and China. Results indicated that U.S. corporations were more likely to highlight online marketing interactivity and social responsibility, which integrated marketing and public relations as their online communication strategy. Chinese corporations provided more online spaces for the consumer–consumer interactions and emphasized corporation-oriented information.  相似文献   
100.
Considering the integral relationship between public relations and democracy (Martinelli, 2011) coupled with the growing use of social media for democratic aims (Smith, 2011) the current study examines the effectiveness of Twitter as a public relations communications tool for congressional campaigns. Specifically, as a means of testing Twitter's effectiveness in informing and engaging voters, congressional candidate and political party Twitter use for all 435 U.S. House of Representatives races (N = 1284) are compared with 2010 election outcomes. Results indicate that candidates’ Twitter use significantly increased their odds of winning, controlling for incumbency and Party ID. Additionally, significant differences between incumbents’ and challengers’ Twitter use during the election cycle emerged, which has important implications for public relations practices aimed at achieving democratic outcomes.  相似文献   
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