阿盟发展缺失及其对上合组织的启示

阿拉伯国家联盟是当今世界成立最早的几个地区性国际组织之一。在其六十多年的发展历程中,从维护阿拉伯国家整体利益来看,其成绩并不理想。本文对阿盟的发展缺失的表现及其原因进行了分析,并探索了其对上海合作组织完善和发展过程中的启示。     

Social identities and political cleavages: the role of political context

Summary. Using a novel method, the paper investigates the influence of social group identities on attitudes and on voting in a variety of political contexts. Examining the major regions of Britain, Canada and the USA, we find considerable national and regional diversity in the nature of social cleavages. For example, social class and race had widely different effects across societies, but within societies their effects on attitudes and on voting were very similar. However, despite that, age and religion had a similar effect on attitudes across societies; the effects on voting varied considerably. The significant within-country differences underline the importance of using region, rather than country, as the unit of analysis. More importantly, these results highlight the role of political context, especially competing cleavages and the structure of party competition, in the establishment of politically relevant social cleavages.     

Communicating Global Activism

Many observers doubt the capacity of digital media to change the political game. The rise of a transnational activism that is aimed beyond states and directly at corporations, trade and development regimes offers a fruitful area for understanding how communication practices can help create a new politics. The Internet is implicated in the new global activism far beyond merely reducing the costs of communication, or transcending the geographical and temporal barriers associated with other communication media. Various uses of the Internet and digital media facilitate the loosely structured networks, the weak identity ties, and the patterns of issue and demonstration organizing that define a new global protest politics. Analysis of various cases shows how digital network configurations can facilitate: permanent campaigns; the growth of broad networks despite relatively weak social identity and ideology ties; transformation of individual member organizations and whole networks; and the capacity to communicate messages from desktops to television screens. The same qualities that make these communication-based politics durable also make them vulnerable to problems of control, decision-making and collective identity.     

Violent civic nationalism versus civil ethnic nationalism: Contrasting Indonesia and Malay(si)a

In 1963 the Federation of Malaya, Singapore, Sarawak, and Sabah formed the Federation of Malaysia. In the same year Indonesia gained control over West Papua. In the first case the integration was accomplished participatory and peacefully, in the second violence reigned supreme. I argue that different visions of community, nation and state, developed during the decades of decolonisation and the early years of state- and nation-building, are responsible for the different outcomes. Contrary to the expectations of the predominant theories on nationalism the ethno-cultural variant of nation-building in Malaysia proved to be much more integrative than the civic variant espoused by the Indonesian nation-builders.     

Multilevel models for repeated binary outcomes: attitudes and voting over the electoral cycle

Models for fitting longitudinal binary responses are explored by using a panel study of voting intentions. A standard multilevel repeated measures logistic model is shown to be inadequate owing to a substantial proportion of respondents who maintain a constant response over time. A multivariate binary response model is shown to be a better fit to the data.     

明代重赋出于政治原因说

明代江南苏州、松江等地的田赋负担十分沉重,这是明史和中国经济史中的一大问题。明清以来,对明代苏松重赋问题的原因论述极多,但众说纷坛,莫衷一是。其实,明代除江南地区外,明代江西、陕西等地也出现了重赋现象。通盘考察明代的几个重赋区可以发现,这些地区虽自然、经济社会条件大相径庭,但共同的一点是元末明初皆为朱元璋的敌对势力所占领,他们曾与明军相抗衡,这正是这些地区遭到朱元璋重赋政策惩罚的原因。     

Developing spatial inequalities in carbon appropriation: A sociological analysis of changing local emissions across the United States

This study examines an overlooked dynamic in sociological research on greenhouse gas emissions: how local areas appropriate the global carbon cycle for use and exchange purposes as they develop. Drawing on theories of place and space, we hypothesize that development differentially drives and spatially decouples use- and exchange-oriented emissions at the local level. To test our hypotheses, we integrate longitudinal, county-level data on residential and industrial emissions from the Vulcan Project with demographic, economic and environmental data from the U.S. Census Bureau and National Land Change Database. Results from spatial regression models with two-way fixed-effects indicate that alongside innovations and efficiencies capable of reducing environmentally harmful effects of development comes a spatial disarticulation between carbon-intensive production and consumption within as well as across societies. Implications for existing theory, methods and policy are discussed.     

《政治经济学批判大纲》的哲学性质

在马克思主义哲学的创立过程中,恩格斯的《政治经济学批判大纲》具有特殊的地位和作用。就其哲学的性质,中外哲学界存在着许多不同的看法,这些不同的看法,直接影响着人们对马克思主义哲学的实质的理解。我们认为,恩格斯在《政治经济学批判大纲》中所表现出的哲学立场,一方面表明他完成了从唯心主义向唯物主义的根本转变,另一方面也表明,恩格斯此时的哲学世界观还停留在"费尔巴哈派"的阶段。     

浅谈思想政治工作与"生命线"

思想政治工作是一切工作的生命线,这一科学论断是党在革命战争和建设事业中长期实践的科学结晶,在发展社会主义市场经济的新形势下,仍有极其重要的意义.但是,正确认识"生命线"地位,切实加强和改进思想政治工作也要克服四种偏见.     

促进民族大学生社会主义核心价值体系认同的三大要务

民族大学生在思想文化素质和个性心理特征等方面具有一定的特殊性,在促进他们认同社会主义核心价值体系时,要注意把握和处理好他们的民族心理认同与中华民族认同相统一、民族文化认同与中华文化认同相协调、原发宗教信仰与社会主义理想信念相适应三大要务。