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31.
教俗博弈是伊朗政治现代化进程的一个突出特点,女性头巾是其重要的社会表征,并演化成为鲜明的政治符号。伊朗女性头巾的摘戴之争发端于19世纪末政治现代化进程之始,经历了从民间探讨到官方强制的历史过程。无论是巴列维王国还是伊斯兰共和国,官方都通过强制头巾“摘”或“戴”的方式来强化政治权威,以实现政权合法性和国家意识形态在社会领域的延伸,而社会群体对官方的认同与反抗也体现在女性头巾的摘戴之中。女性头巾摘戴之争所折射出的伊朗现代化进程中的矛盾,不仅包括传统势力和新兴群体间的张力,也体现了传统性与现代性的博弈。伴随经济现代化的深入影响,头巾自抉将逐渐作为女性公民权利的体现,预示着伊朗政治现代化进程的发展方向。  相似文献   
32.
针对伊朗SA 油田Kazhidumi 砂岩油藏油水关系复杂、无明显油水边界、油藏性质认识不清的问题,综合运用 取芯、测井、三维地震资料及新钻井资料,对其油藏特征及形成机理进行研究。运用高分辨率层序地层学将地层划分 为4 个旋回,研究各旋回内砂体发育特征。运用地震层拉平技术对研究区不同地质时期古构造进行恢复,重现构造演 化史;明确了油藏古构造圈闭形成于古近纪初期,为北高南低的单一背斜,新近纪扎格罗斯造山运动使得圈闭形态发 生巨大改变,原古背斜圈闭面积缩小,高点向东部转移,南部地层大幅度上升隆起,形成新的构造高点,演变为现今南 北两构造高点的格局。圈闭形态变化打破了古油藏平衡,使其发生了二次调整运移,北部构造高点(古圈闭)内油气发 生自西向东运移,形成“缩小版”原地滞留油藏,部分油气自北向南运移,形成次生油藏。现今北部高点“上水下油”的 现象,为油藏调整之后,底部K2 c 旋回内连通性较差储层形成的滞留透镜状油、水层。油藏性质为构造控制为主,岩 性控制为辅的层状边水油藏。  相似文献   
33.
伊朗北邻苏联 ,南扼波斯湾之咽喉 ,战略位置十分重要。二战初期 ,它奉行中立政策 ,周旋于英苏和德国之间 ,力图使自己置身于战争之外。但终因在德驻伊人员问题上 ,与同盟国发生龃龉 ,导致盟国出兵伊朗 ,迫使其放弃中立。伊朗最终以特殊的形式 ,参与了这场伟大的反法西斯战争。苏联藉战争之需 ,在伊朗北部构筑势力范围 ,使苏伊关系日趋紧张。战后初期从伊朗撤军问题导致了美苏关系的恶化 ,成为冷战爆发的一个重要导火线  相似文献   
34.
No abstract available for this article.  相似文献   
35.
Postdivorce identity challenges can be experienced differently in societies that underline the lack of normalcy of divorce. Therefore, this study was conducted to explore Iranian divorced women’s perceptions of their identities. A qualitative content analysis method was applied. Participants included 18 divorced women recruited based on purposive sampling. Data were gathered using unstructured interviews, and analyzed via content analysis method. Three categories—stigmatization, separation shock, and remarriage paradox—were extracted, and the main theme was identity threat. Findings illustrate that Iranian divorced women can be considered at risk, and hence, understanding their views is vital for developing context-specific preventive and intervention programs.  相似文献   
36.
Elucidating the reasons for dropping out of psychotherapy can lead to the development of interventions aimed at reducing patient drop out. The present study aimed to explore patients’ reasons for dropping out of psychotherapy in Kermanshah, Iran. The present qualitative study was performed using conventional content analysis. The current sample included 15 participants consisting of 7 patients who dropped out of psychotherapy and 8 psychotherapists who have previously experienced patient dropout. A semi-structured interview was used for data collection. All interviews were audio recorded and subsequently transcribed. Content analysis using constant comparisons was performed for transcribed interviews. Four main categories emerged as reasons for dropping out of psychotherapy: dissatisfaction with the quality of psychotherapy, financial problems in psychotherapy, unprepared socio-cultural context of psychotherapy, and psychotherapy as a non-user friendly treatment. Additionally, specific subcategories within each main category were documented. The results revealed distinct reasons for psychotherapy drop out in the current Iranian-based sample. These identified reasons should be considered and addressed at the onset of treatment as well as in the development of formal interventions aimed at reducing dropout. Further research investigating the antecedents leading to patient drop out is recommended.  相似文献   
37.
Feminist scholars the world over are increasingly aware of the importance of analyzing popular discourse, especially regarding women’s involvement in proscribed violence. Yet few have looked at Middle Eastern organizations, and fewer still at the Mojahedin-e Khalq Iran (MEK), a longstanding resistance group whose all-female leadership and sizeable female membership present a compelling challenge to prevailing gender norms. How do popular media portray female MEK resistors and what might these representations signify for our gendered conceptions of violence? In examining the MEK’s female leadership, this article undertakes a close reading of western and Iranian news coverage in an attempt to analyze the degree to which these women are painted as willful political agents or, as is often assumed, irrational actors incapable of autonomous political participation. Following Sjoberg and Gentry, I develop four cognitive frames to describe female resistors, while also challenging the media’s victimizing and sexualizing gaze. I thus problematize these women’s portrayals as “maniacal slaves,” and explain how such gendered rhetoric operates to preclude the notion that members of the MEK might practice legitimate political resistance worthy of analysis or understanding.  相似文献   
38.
Typology of causes of poverty: The perception of Iranian farmers   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
Causal attributions are important mediators of future behaviour because once a cause is assigned; a commensurate action can be taken. The aims of this research were to find how Iranian farmers attribute the causes of poverty, to provide a typology of attribution of causes of poverty as perceived by Iranian farmers and to compare socio-economic characteristics and contextual conditions of farmers based on their causal attribution of poverty type. Findings revealed that 50% of respondents had structuralistic, almost 30% had individualistic, and about 20% hold fatalistic attitudes towards the causes of poverty. Farmers with individualistic attitudes towards the causes of poverty had higher quality of life, well-being, level of agricultural technology, agricultural production, used insurance more often, they had more land, income, access to agricultural extension services and practiced sustainable agriculture more often. Farmers with fatalistic attitudes towards the causes of poverty had the worst condition with regard to the above variables. However, those who had structuralistic attitudes, stood somewhere between the two previous groups. Based on findings, a number of poverty alleviation recommendations are made.  相似文献   
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