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21.
刘向阳 《南亚研究》2010,(4):111-123
印度的穆斯林是印度人口众多的少数群体。印度独立以后,特别是20世纪90年代印度实行经济改革以来,社会经济发展水平迅速提高。然而,印度穆斯林却未能充分享受到发展所带来的成果,在政治参与程度、经济发展水平和文化教育水平等方面面临着发展的困境。这一困境是历史和经济原因、印度政府的忽视、穆斯林自身原因和教派冲突的影响等多种因素共同作用的结果。印度政府为此采取了一系列的应对措施。  相似文献   
22.
This study examined how Muslims living in the West were represented in English language textbooks in Ontario, Canada. The review showed that Muslims were consistently placed in inferior and dependent positions in relation to ‘white folks’ by focusing on their origins in violent and backward societies, their cultural deficits, social ineptitudes, conflicted identities, and low-status jobs. It is suggested that textbooks should encourage critical literacy by including a wider, more accurate range of depictions of Muslims in western societies to combat stereotyping.  相似文献   
23.
Muslim migration to Australia took place over three distinct periods – the Colonial, the ‘White Australia’ and the Multicultural periods. This article discusses the settlement issues of Muslims during the ‘White Australia’ period (1901–73). It particularly focuses on five distinct ethnic groups – Indians, Afghans, Malays, Javanese and Albanians – in Queensland and Western Australia. It questions whether these groups were treated ‘differently'because of their Islamic beliefs. The study draws upon both primary and secondary sources, including archival materials and oral testimonies. From the evidence presented, it is clear that a hardening attitude against Muslims has been apparent and that historical antipathies and long-lived antipathies have grown in the specific context of the current geopolitical climate  相似文献   
24.
宁夏西海固的回族民间刺绣习俗源远流长,工艺独特,种类多样。近年来,回族刺绣在向产业化发展的同时,也出现了传统工艺面临萎缩甚至失传的危机。为保护和传承此项工艺,发挥回族民间刺绣非遗传承人“传帮带”作用,培育刺绣新人;将回族刺绣工艺引入职业院校课堂教学,进行教育传承;回族刺绣民营企业在追求经济效益的同时,重视传统技艺的传承;等举措应得到实施。  相似文献   
25.
This article examines the magazine Muslim Girl (started publication 2007) and explores how the representations on the magazine's pages construct a particular type of identity for Muslim women: an ‘idealized’ Muslim woman who is both North American/Western and Muslim. Such a woman is portrayed as liberal, educated, fashionable, a ‘can-do’ woman, who is also committed to her faith. This ‘ideal’ woman is situated squarely as a neo-liberal subject in an increasingly consumerist world: she is ‘marketable’ (and marketed) as the ‘good Muslim’ (Mamdani, 2004) and is positioned as the ‘familiar stranger’ (Ahmed, 2000) in North America. This so-called ‘modern’ Muslim (read: ‘good Muslim’) is juxtaposed both against the ‘fundamentalist’ Muslim (read: ‘bad Muslim’) and the ‘normalized’ white North American subject. Against the discourse of post 9/11 nationalism and within the context of (gendered) Orientalism, this article argues that such idealized representations present easily recognizable tropes, which serve important political, ideological and cultural purposes within North American society. An analysis of these representations – and the purposes which they serve – provides an important window into the nuances of the structured discourses that seek to control and discipline the gendered Muslim body. On the one hand, the representations in Muslim Girl focus on the so-called ‘integrated North American Muslim’ – a ‘modern’ or ‘good’ Muslim – within the context of the multicultural, neo-liberal and post 9/11 nation-state. On the other hand, these representations also highlight examples of Muslim women, who seemingly remain committed to their faith and community. Such representations of hybridized North American Muslims speak powerfully to the forces – ideological, cultural, political and social – that are at play in the post 9/11 world. In analyzing the representations found in Muslim Girl, this paper provides an insight into some of these forces and their implications.  相似文献   
26.
Abstract

In spite of growing interest in spirituality and religion, and the prominent position given to religion in social work's educational policies and ethical standards, no studies have explored the profession's level of spiritual sensitivity. Accordingly, we examined the visibility of faith groups and their characterizations in 71 influential social work textbooks. This study found that faith groups, in contrast to a number of comparison groups, were essentially invisible as populations worthy of students' direct attention. Further, when faith groups were discussed, they tended to be characterized in a biased, spiritually insensitive manner. To move toward spiritual competency, social work must increase the amount of material devoted to faith groups and ensure that they are depicted in a manner that is consistent with their worldviews.  相似文献   
27.
从宁夏平罗县抽样调查数据中可以发现,近几年农村回汉通婚人数有所上升,说明人们对回汉通婚的态度有所转变。影响回汉通婚除显性因素如宗教、性别、民族、年龄、文化水平外,也有深层的非显性因素以及城乡文明转变过程中的文化冲突等。  相似文献   
28.
确认中华民族共同体意识的核心内容并对其展开理论阐释,是建立中华民族共同体意识理论体系的需要,也是用此学说指导实践的前提。中华民族共同体意识是马克思主义民族理论中国化的基础理论研究。从认同的基础概念、多维的共同实体和共同体的基本属性分析中华民族共同体意识核心内容形成的逻辑进路,提出铸牢中华民族共同体意识要关注主要矛盾,紧抓核心内容,立足于培育和提升"五个认同"的具体要义,落实于国家和政党的建设、制度健全、凝聚价值共识,以及民族平等团结共同繁荣等综合举措。  相似文献   
29.
Using a survey data set (n?=?1,992) collected in Lanzhou, China, I examine the Hui?–?Han differences in perceptions on intermarriage. The questions I ask in this paper include: What is the extent of interethnic marriages in Lanzhou? Do the Hui and Han feel differently about interethnic marriage? Which ethnic group is more negative about Hui?–?Han marriages and why? Are perceptions about endogamy patterned by ethnicity or socio-economic status or both? I seek plausible answers to these questions in this paper. A preliminary analysis of the 2001 survey data shows a high degree of endogamy in Lanzhou. It also shows that the Hui are more negative about intermarriage than the Han. However, the ethnic differences in perceptions on intermarriage fade away with socio-economic variables controlled.  相似文献   
30.
ABSTRACT

A post-civil war country may cease military activity, but the social rupture impacts political discourse and ethnic relations, and can lead to collective violence against minorities. Sri Lanka has witnessed multiple examples of anti-Muslim sentiment and violence since the civil war termination, most infamously in 2014 when ethnic riots affected large numbers of people. Buddhist monks appeared to play a prominent role. The lengthy war and ethnonationalist ideologies have produced politico-religious shifts associated with ‘Buddhist extremism’, implicated in these riots and other aggressions. This paper uses interview data to explore the question: what causal mechanisms link post-civil war and extremist ideologies, and how this can lead to ethnic rioting. Interview respondents argue that promoting a monolithic national identity in a heterogeneous country enhances divisions, which can be politically expedient. An outright war victory, militarization of society and lack of peacebuilding sustain ethnic tensions that can be mobilized for further anti-minority violence.  相似文献   
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