井冈山大学江西省“十二五”重点一级学科“马克思主义理论”简介

湘赣革命根据地始终追求规范化和科学化的行政方向，逐步扭转打土豪办财政的粗放经营模式，通过预决算制度、会计制度和审计制度以及税收制度的规范化建设，为财政体系奠定下正规化基础。湘赣苏区银行制度成为促进经济建设的有力金融保障。     

Transformative Events and Generational Memory: A Case Study Over Time in Lithuania

Research on the distribution of collective memories in national populations has often been conducted in relatively stable societies, where most individuals have experienced a limited range of event types. We examine collective memories in Lithuania, a society that has seen substantial change, using three surveys conducted during the two decades since Lithuanian protests against Soviet rule began in the late 1980s. We identify two types of events that individuals may recall, drawing on Sewell's ( 2005 ) distinction between structure‐transforming events and other events that are significant but less momentous, and we find that the two types of events exhibit different patterns of change over time: in particular, transformative events may absorb other events through assimiliation and are likely to be the focus of commemoration. Recall of transformative events also shows a distinctive relation to birth cohort. Our results support the need to take into account the nature of events in order to understand which events are remembered as important and by whom.     

前苏联的读者研究及其对我们的启示

读者研究是前苏联许多学科研究的重要内容,更是图书馆学的传统和特色,在图书馆学中占有重要地位.以马克思列宁主义理论作为研究读者及其阅读的方法论基础,既有大规模的集中调查和量化分析,又有图书馆工作中的具体研究,并形成了阅读社会学、阅读心理学、阅读教育学等独特的研究方向.这些都给我们提供了许多可资借鉴的方向和启示.     

苏区有关中华邮政政策述论

土地革命战争时期,中国共产党对苏区中华邮局实行保护政策,也接收改造了根据地内的一部分中华邮局,建立了自己的赤色邮政.为了打破国民党的通信封锁及维护根据地民众的通信权利与自由,苏区亦保留了一部分中华邮局,并以之为中介与国统区通邮.基于获取敌方情报及避免通邮可能带来的不利影响之需要,苏区对往来于国统区的邮件进行检查.对苏区中华邮局的保护及与国统区的通邮政策,是中国共产党在新民主主义革命时期群众路线的具体体现,也为后来的国共通邮提供了历史经验.     

苏俄、共产国际与陈炯明接触始末

20世纪20年代初,苏俄、共产国际在东方战略的指导下,通过各种渠道在华寻找政治同盟。南方实力派陈炯明资深的革命经历、对新生苏俄的赞美和尊崇、反帝爱国的政治态度曾一度使他成为苏俄、共产国际选择的联合对象。然而事实证明陈炯明并非莫斯科式的革命者,"六一六"事件发生后,陈氏对莫斯科和中共的态度也急转直下,苏俄、共产国际结束了联合陈炯明的尝试,从而转向与孙中山的合作。     

列宁的苏维埃代议制民主思想研究

工兵代表苏维埃是苏俄的人民代表机构,即国家最高的权力机构。这标志着人类发展史上的第一个社会主义人民代表制的形成,集中体现了社会主义国家人民当家做主。列宁的代议制的思想由人民代表制思想、人民主权思想、选举制度思想、人民代表机关思想、民主监督思想等几个方面组成。列宁的苏维埃民主思想不仅奠定了无产阶级真正实现劳动人民当家做主的理论基础,而且以伟大的革命实践证明了一条真理,即只有建立能够代表人民意志的政权才能实现真正意义上的无产阶级专政。     

The Ukrainian reading public in the 1920s: real,implied, and ideal

The reading public was discussed in the Soviet Ukrainian press during the 1920s, at a time when the drive to eliminate illiteracy and implement Ukrainization was scoring increasing successes. Sociological studies of the “real” reader indicated strong preferences for pre-revolutionary authors and foreign writers in translation. Under pressure from Moscow, in the late 1920s Mykola Skrypnyk, the Commissar for Education, and the literary theorist Kost' Dovhan' changed the rhetoric advocating Ukrainization, stressing its proletarian content. They supported the concept of an “implied” working-class reader who read Ukrainian and was simultaneously committed to developing socialism and a “proletarian” culture. However, many sophisticated writers pitched their work to an “ideal” reader, whom they imagined as the end-product of Ukrainization – a culturally literate, urban, and critically thinking consumer. The three ways of conceptualizing the consumer clashed, as the Ukrainization policy went through two major shifts during the period of the first five-year plan (1928–33). Ideologists, educators, and writers adapted to these shifts by redefining the way they conceptualized the reader.     

Interpellation in the late Soviet period: contesting the de-ideologization narrative

Most literature on ideology in the late Soviet period notes the progressive de-ideologization of Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) politics under Mikhail Gorbachev. Looking specifically at the legitimating functions of ideology, the article contests this generalization. In doing so, it proposes the concept of ideological interpellation to clarify the relationship between doctrine and regime legitimation. The author argues that interpellation – the construction of the ideal Soviet subject, in a way that sustained the relations of domination and production – was a consistent goal throughout the last decade of communist rule. However, while the party approached interpellation in different ways, it was unable to resolve official ideology’s rigidity and narrowness of appeal. These conclusions are supported by a discourse analysis of the 26th, 27th, and 28th CPSU congress proceedings.     

浅探苏联演变的根本原因--对一种流行观点的分析

体制不是苏联演变的根本原因.探究苏联演变的根本原因,必须从理论上、从对社会主义的认识上进行.苏联演变的根本原因在于没有能够始终从社会主义实践的现实出发来认识社会主义,形成科学的社会主义建设理论,从而导致思想僵化、模式僵化,窒息了社会主义的生机,最终引发了全面的政治、经济危机.     

共产国际与中国苏维埃运动的兴起

共产国际认为中国的资产阶级民主革命应该由资产阶级及其国民党来领导,苏维埃政权只有在中国革命向无产阶级及其政党领导的社会主义革命转变之时才可以建立。共产国际认为蒋、汪叛变促进了中国革命向苏维埃阶段发展,但依然希望国民党左派复兴中国革命而暂缓推行苏维埃运动。在复兴国民党的计划不能实现的情况下,共产国际最终提出在中国建立工农苏维埃政权。