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21.
跨国公司进行全球性扩张,最为突出的表现是跨国公司R&D全球化趋势日益显现。跨国公司R&D的全球性扩张,既促进了我国经济的发展,提供了我国急需的资金和技术,增强了国内企业的竞争意识和国际竞争力,但同时对我国国家经济安全构成严重的威胁和挑战。我们应采取有效措施,利用跨国公司R&D对我国经济的积极作用,限制跨国公司R&D对我国经济发展的负面影响,以保持中国经济的持续健康成长。  相似文献   
22.
血缘关系使滇越边民频交簌往在中越两国边境,影响着国家疆域的巩固和边疆民族社会秩序的稳定。国家安边守土的治国思路,使边民得到惠施的同时,也为边商创造了跨境从商的机会。边商的边境从商行为又为两地边民务工创设下良好环境,进而泛化滇越边民的跨国越境行为,滇越边境的正常社会秩序面临更大挑战。维稳滇越边境关键在于国家、地方和边民三者之间构织起一个有序的会通和并接环境。  相似文献   
23.
由于北京和上海在科技人才、信息区位、市场空间、创意环境等方面具有显著的优势,因而成为国际品牌在华布局的首选之地。同时,二者在品牌发展条件上又各有特色,因此国际品牌在北京和上海的产业分布差异也十分显著。在可预见的时期内,北京和上海作为国际品牌在华布局中心的地位无可替代;而国际品牌也将以奥运会和世博会为契机,继续以北京和上海为依托,加快在华拓展的步伐。  相似文献   
24.
BackgroundWomen seeking a vaginal birth after a caesarean section (VBAC) frequently want to keep their subsequent labour and birth free from intervention. Water immersion (WI) during labour is potentially an effective tool for women having a VBAC for its natural pain-relieving properties. However, negotiating access to WI can be difficult, especially in the context of VBAC.AimTo explore women's experiences of negotiating WI for labour and birth in the context of VBAC.MethodologyThis Grounded Theory study followed Strauss and Corbin's framework and analytic process. Twenty-five women planning or using WI for their VBAC labour or birth were recruited from two midwifery practices and a social media group across Australia. Participants were interviewed during pregnancy and/or postnatally.Findings‘Taking the reins’, the core category explaining the women’s experiences of assuming authority over their birth, comprised five categories: ‘Robbed of my previous birth experience’; ‘My eyes were opened’; ‘Water is my tool for a successful VBAC’; ‘Actioning my choices and rights for WI’, and ‘Empowered to take back control’. ‘Wanting natural and normal’ was the driving force behind women’s desire to birth vaginally. Two mediating factors: Having someone in your corner and Rules for birth facilitated or hindered their birth choices, respectively.ConclusionThe women became active participants in their healthcare by seeking information and options to keep their birth experience natural and normal. Support from other women and advocacy in the form of continuity of midwifery care was crucial in successfully negotiating WI for their VBAC when navigating the complex health system.  相似文献   
25.
This case study examines framing as an essential communication strategy used by women's rights NGOs at international and domestic levels. The article uses a theoretical framework of transnational advocacy networks, originally developed by political scientists Keck and Sikkink (1998), to demonstrate the importance of public relations’ efforts in political communication campaigns of women's rights NGOs around the world. Supported by the United Nations, these NGOs play an important role in democracy building and contribute to women's empowerment efforts. However, an examination of communication strategies used by these NGOs to help implement the Platform for Action—the UN-promoted agenda for women's empowerment—showed that the existing frame of women's rights as human rights may not be successful in all contexts. This study argues that at the domestic level the issue of women's rights needs to be presented in greater detail than the current human rights frame allows it to be.  相似文献   
26.
This article attempts to develop a critical understanding of the reconstitution of Hong Kong identity in Hollywood productions involving Hong Kong film talents. It argues that the ‘local’ in the city's historical context of the nineties no longer refers to any entity pertaining to a particular locality and culture but is always already determined by the framework of the transnational, which structures the perception of its local social reality. In particular, the paper suggests that the remaking of Hong Kong cultural identity in Hollywood films could be grasped in terms of the notion of a double negation. While the formation of such an identity is based on a negation of Chineseness, Hong Kong's transnational crossing to Hollywood initiates another negation that negates the very symbolic realm common to Chineseness. Jackie Chan's Hollywood blockbuster, Rush Hour, is used to illuminate the ways in which Hong Kong film stars and directors working for the global entertainment syndicate re-appropriate their agency in the production of a transnational narrative of their identity.  相似文献   
27.
Involvement in advocacy and social action activities by direct practitioners as well as community organizers is essential if social workers are to develop the capacity to oppose economic and social oppression. Little is known, however, about advocacy as a component of social work practice or those factors which determine whether a social worker engages in such activities. Although a number of researchers have examined the prevalence of advocacy practice among social workers in the United States, no similar studies of advocacy have been conducted among Canadian social workers. The author examines the prevalence of case, self-help, and class advocacy practice among social workers in southwest Ontario. The prevalence of social action-related activities (lobbying for legislation, protests, and involvement in politics) is also assessed.  相似文献   
28.
Whether lauded or deplored, transnational organizing among non-governmental organizations (NGOs) generally, and women's NGOs specifically, is recognized as an active player in debates about international economic policy. In this article, I turn attention toward one consequence of women's transnational NGO organizing that has been under-analyzed: the impact that transnational activism has on domestic political organizations and opportunities. The recent increase in activism on gender and policies of free trade in the USA is the product of women's transnational political organizingover the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). In the case of NAFTA, theoretical insights about the ways that gendered categories undergird the economy were made visible by and through the transnational advocacy in which feminists engaged.And, this article indicates, these transnational advocacy efforts have helped to shift the domestic political terrain of women's organizing in the United States. I argue that as women's rights advocates in the United States were confronted with the realization that the nexus between gender and trade policy was important to many women's rights and feminist activists around the world, they began to question why the gendered implication of trade policy did not hold a comparable place in the US feminist arena. Thus, changes in the domestic political landscape of non-governmentalactivismmay be one of the longest lasting (and most overlooked) consequences of transnational political engagement.  相似文献   
29.
Internal rifts over framing and tactics often hinder groups from mobilizing the degree of support and resources necessary to achieve their stated goals. As a result of disparities in political culture and ideology, the existence of such rifts may be especially frequent and disabling for forms of transnational collective action. However, using the case of the transnational movement lobbying on behalf of Botswana's minority groups, particularly the indigenous San, this paper argues that frame resonance disputes can sometimes facilitate the achievement of a movement's immediate goals. This is for two main reasons. First, by appealing to different audiences, the movement can gain complementary and reinforcing forms of legitimacy and support. Second, states and their societies may possess different points of vulnerability, which can be more effectively targeted through the simultaneous use of multiple frames. By helping minority groups receive legal entitlement to their ancestral lands and opening a debate about the nature of Botswana's democracy, the transnational movement campaigning for the return of the Central Kalahari Game Reserve underscores the benefits of frame resonance disputes.  相似文献   
30.
Abstract

Since 1977, the Joint Public Affairs Committee for Older Adults (JPAC) has been educating and mobilizing older adults to take an active role in the public policy decisions affecting their lives. Recognizing the need to better train its members in the techniques of social action and in an effort to familiarize recent retirees with the world of senior advocacy, JPAC founded a comprehensive leadership training program called the Institute for Senior Action in 1994. JPAC's 10-week training Institute integrates critical aging policy issues with practical grassroots applications for action. In addition to honing the skills of longtime community activists, the Institute serves as a vehicle for recent retirees and others to become more involved in social action.  相似文献   
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