How to partly bounce back the struggle against illegal immigration to the source countries

Recent models on the dynamics of immigration control claim that tightening internal borders may trigger the formation of networks supporting clandestine foreign workers. This may, in turn, increase the overall stock of illegal immigrants in the economy. One possible solution to this threatening situation might be to partly bounce back the struggle against illegal immigration to the source countries. This paper suggests that under certain conditions, the receiving country should direct some of the resources earmarked for coping with the problem of the illegal flow of workers to financially supporting the source countries, allowing them to compete among themselves for such aid. This support would be allocated according to the relative effort made by each source country in curbing illegal immigration, thereby motivating them to moderate the phenomenon. The model is also applicable to other fields of negative externalities, such as the smuggling of drugs and weapons, terrorism, and pollution.

希望小学援建制度探讨

希望工程是中国青少年发展基金会于1989年发起实施的一项社会公益事业。援建希望小学与资助贫困学生是希望工程实施的两大主要公益项目。文章重点关注青少年发展基金会目前的希望小学援建制度,结合实际调查情况,并与其他民间公益组织运作方式进行比较,分析了目前制度的利与弊,并对目前的制度提出了几点改进建议。     

Should countries be more like shopping malls? A proposal for Service Performance Guarantees

Through an examination of existing guarantee mechanisms, this article sets out and explains a proposal for the adoption of Service Performance Guarantees (SPGs) by developing countries working to attract foreign investment. The proposed approach is to offer investing firms the opportunity to purchase insurance against a wider range of risks than is currently possible, with highly visible payouts if service delivery standards fall short of those expected from the programme. The SPG contracts would be covered by a “domestic reserve” funded from premiums paid in by the firms and backed up by a further guarantee issued by a development partner. This approach restructures accountability to create a partnership of donors and recipient governments, accountable to their investor clients.     

Intensity,moderation, and the pressures of expectation: Calculation and coercion in the street-level practice of welfare conditionality

This article offers a street-level perspective on welfare conditionality as it was practiced in contracted-out UK activation programs between 2008 and 2015. Drawing on observation and in-depth interviews, the article illustrates the ways that behavioral conditionality provided street-level workers with the means to intensify or moderate activation for particular claimants. Responding to arguments about the curtailment of street-level discretion, the article argues that in the particular context of target-driven, work-first, and otherwise highly constrained services, discretion resided in the ability to intensify or moderate conditionality and its coercive potential—in decisions about how, on whom, and to what extent it would be applied. The article argues that attending to this form of discretion provides an alternative frame through which to view the differentiated treatment typically understood as “creaming” and “parking.” In so doing, the article problematizes accounts that draw clear lines between calculative, normative, and dispositional forms of street-level reason and practice. It shows how advisors' responses to the “street-level calculus of choice” were articulated in terms of expectation, where attempts at future-oriented calculation necessarily entailed making other forms of speculative and normative judgement about claimants and their situations. The article thus contributes to an understanding of both the causes and meaning of differentiated treatment in conditional welfare services.     

Punitive benefit sanctions,welfare conditionality,and the social abuse of unemployed people in Britain: Transforming claimants into offenders?

A defining feature of U.K. welfare reform since 2010 has been the concerted move towards greater compulsion and sanctioning, which has been interpreted by some social policy scholars as punitive and cruel. In this article, we borrow concepts from criminology and sociology to develop new interpretations of welfare conditionality. Based on data from a major Economic and Social Research Council-funded qualitative longitudinal study (2014–2019), we document the suffering that unemployed claimants experienced because of harsh conditionality. We find that punitive welfare conditionality often caused symbolic and material suffering and sometimes had life-threatening effects. We argue that a wide range of suffering induced by welfare conditionality can be understood as ‘social abuse’, including the demoralisation of the futile job-search treadwheel and the self-administered surveillance of the Universal Jobmatch panopticon. We identify a range of active claimant responses to state perpetrated harm, including acquiescence, adaptation, resistance, and disengagement. We conclude that punitive post-2010 unemployment correction can be seen as a reinvention of failed historic forms of punishment for offenders.     

Donor co‐ordination or donor confusion? How disputed facts and problem framing affect the prospects for aid harmonization

A declared commitment in international development assistance is to promote donor co‐ordination. Yet, how this objective plays out in practice, or how feasible and realistic it is, have rarely been evaluated. Using the fisheries sector as a critical case, this article explores whether two major international actors, the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and the World Bank, meet the demands of policy harmonization as spelled out in the Paris Declaration on aid effectiveness. Through a systematic qualitative analysis, the article investigates whether the policies of these actors are complementary or contradictory. It also assesses how the potential challenges to harmonization can be understood and what the broader implications for aid and development policies in general might be.     

Ignoring rights is wrong: re-politicizing gender equality and development with the rights-based approach

Corporate sponsors and humanitarian organizations have joined popular authors and international institutions in bringing attention to gender inequality though “smart economics” and “investing in women.” These social marketing messages and donor strategies mimic arguments for gender equality from the 1970s and 1980s. Rather than building on the rights-based development and best practices of the 1990s, they ignore the critical roles of political capacity and participation that the past forty years and feminist analysis of development achievements and failures have taught us are essential to taking on gender and economic inequality. Certain trends in foreign aid accountability share this silence on the importance of political capacity. In contrast, the rights-based approach to gender equality and development (RBA) is a political approach to development. We reconcile the need for aid accountability with the need for a focus on politics by outlining key political processes of the rights-based approach. The RBA is a way of doing development that is attentive to process and power. We can use the RBA not just as a guide for how to do development, but also as a way to think about processes as outcome measures. The processes that the RBA requires are processes that build capacity for marginalized women and people.     

The real East Asian Aid model: Development assistance as an instrument of comprehensive security in Japan,South Korea and Taiwan

Discussion of East Asian aid modes has remained superficial. And one donor, Taiwan, has been overlooked. This article reconsiders East Asian donorship, and places Taiwan within this category. It argues that East Asian donors are insecure, and see aid as part of a wider security policy. Aid policy pursues two main goals: economic strength and international influence. The aid apparatus is insulated from legislative and public pressure. Due to the nature of the goals pursued, relations with recipient governments in general are good, and recipient publics bad, relative to other Development Assistance Committee (DAC) donors. Relations with other donors are ambivalent; good relations are important, but can interfere with other goals. As such, Taiwan is a quintessential East Asian donor.     

An Interpersonal Dialogue Group for Students With and Without Disabilities

This narrative documents my experience cofacilitating a group of 17 undergraduate students. One half of the students and the cofacilitator of the group had disabilities. The purpose was to foster understanding between students with disabilities and students who were able bodied. The group members learned about people with diverse disabilities and the discrimination and difficulties they experienced. Students with disabilities learned about perceptions of the students who were able bodied and their differences and commonalities. Group members experienced mutual aid. The author learned important lessons about herself as a group worker and social work educator.