经济衰退的人口学影响--以20世纪90年代的俄罗斯为例

人口经济学关于经济变量对人口变量影响的研究大致存在两个不足一是关于经济对生育率以外的其他人口变量的影响研究不够;二是对经济大幅度衰退时的人口学影响研究不够.文章通过对20世纪90年代的俄罗斯经济与人口发展状况的分析,认为经济衰退对人口的影响是全方位的,其中主要表现为人口增长率的降低、人才外流和人口素质下降等方面.     

论中国古代复仇文学中的一种范式

从宋代到清代的复仇文学中潜存着一种固定的叙述程式和不断重复的复仇情节,这也就是一种情节性形象范式.这种范式在相当长的时间里很有生命力.它能满足那时的不同文化人群的审美需要,表现全社会不同群体的价值观.     

民国时期人口研究探微

在中国 ,有关人口问题的研究思想并非肇始于民国 ( 1912— 194 9) ;确切说来 ,民国期间已初步形成了具现代社会科学特征的现代中国人口学研究的若干基础。换言之 ,民国时期的人口研究以其学术思想的活跃、研究手段的进步和涉猎问题的广泛而对现代中国人口学的研究产生了至为深刻的影响。民国时期学者从不同的视角和专业门类提出的人口观和人口政策主张 ,以及他们所采用的人口研究和调查方法 ,丰富了中国人口研究的理论库藏 ,也为后人提供了有益的启迪和贡献     

生育政策与出生性别比偏高

自20世纪80年代以来,中国人口出生性别比开始偏离正常值且持续偏高,一般认为,这是多种影响因素共同作用的结果。在诸多影响因素中,何者为主要因素却有很大的分歧。笔者认为,虽然影响我国出生人口性别比升高的原因是复杂的、多因素的,但是,20世纪80年代以来实施的严格的计划生育政策不仅与出生性别比偏高直接相关,而且是诸多影响因素中最主要的,偏严的生育政策是中国出生性别比长期严重失衡的主要原因。     

生育水平下降的“实在空间”与“观念空间”

中国“人口瓶颈”的消除并非是把人口稳定在15亿左右,而在于实施“人口负增长战略”,分三阶段将人口总量降至3-4亿的小规模态。中国人口生育水平的下降既有其“实在空间”---“尺度空间”、“结构空间”、“政策空间”和“比较空间”,又有其通过提高认知在较大程度上可消解的“观念空间”。具体而言,主要表现在以下几个方面 :发展问题和环境问题在很大程度上是一个人口问题;可持续发展需要一个与环境保持低位均衡的“小人口”,而非能为土地生产力支持的“适度人口”;人口数量控制对年龄结构调整的优先性是层级-尺度理论的规定;市场并非万能的,而需要具有约束力的计划生育;出生人口性别比偏高并不必然与“政策挤压”形成的狭小“生育空间”相联系;稳定低生育水平不是“东稳西降”,而必须“东西同降”。     

卜辞祔祭的新证据

~~卜辞袝祭的新证据@李钟淑$北京大学考古文博学院!北京100871~~~~~~     

李颀籍贯考辨

李颀作品中有近20首诗涉及颍阳和嵩山，“我本家颍北”更明确指出其家乡的具体位置；在唐代，颍阳、嵩阳和登封是有复杂关系的三个地名；东川作为行政建制是在李颀死后才有的。通过考辨，文章认为李颀郡望为河北赵郡，籍贯为唐时河南府颍阳县，即今河南省登封市颍阳镇；东川乃李颀归隐颍阳的一别业名称而已。     

The United States as a Sending Country for Intercountry Adoption: Birth Parents’ Rights Versus the 1993 Hague Convention on Intercountry Adoption

This article reviews the relatively new and emerging issue of children from the United States being placed in intercountry adoption. It specifically explores current practices of intercountry adoption involving the United States as a country of origin within the framework of the 1993 Hague Convention on the Protection of Children and Cooperation in Respect of Intercountry Adoption. Data from several receiving countries are explored to identify commonalities and concerns related to the practice of placing U.S. children with foreign families and the role of the birth parents in this process. The authors conclude with recommendations for future research and improved practice.     

No right time: the significance of reproductive timing for younger and older mothers' moralities

Drawing on a small qualitative study of younger and older mothers, this article argues that the timing of motherhood is significant for the construction of classed maternal moralities. It is based on qualitative data generated during a year of fieldwork, with a group of mothers who had their first child when particularly younger or older than average. My discussion of mothers' accounts highlights the multitude of different ‘right’ times mothers evoked and their struggles to reconcile them. In particular I identify there were two normative and conflicting discourses about the ‘right’ time for motherhood the narrative of appropriately timed motherhood and the discourse of generational right time. This article highlights the classed dimensions of normative discourses about the timing of motherhood and draws attention to the lifecourse dis‐synchronicities which these two groups of women faced around becoming a mother, especially the older group for whom this had important intergenerational consequences.     

THE CASE FOR PARITY AND BIRTH-ORDER STATISTICS

Parity refers to the number of (live) births that a woman (or man) has had. Birth order refers to whether a birth is the first, second, third or higher‐order birth of the parent. In the context of low and shifting fertility, parity and birth‐order statistics are becoming increasingly important for understanding fertility trends and patterns, for policy, and for carrying out projections of future fertility. In Australia, the main sources of demographic data are birth, death and marriage registers, and the five‐yearly national census. Both the birth registers and the census are ideally placed to collect data required to calculate parity and birth‐order statistics. However not all Australian states and territories collect or code the necessary information in the birth registers, and the parity question ‘For each female, how many babies has she ever had?’ is only asked every second census; that is, once every 10 years. In this paper, we outline the importance and uses of parity and birth‐order statistics. We discuss the Australian data available at present and their gaps and shortcomings. We then describe the ‘gold standard’ of parity and birth‐order statistics and how Australia can achieve this standard through some minor changes to the data collection process.