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141.
台湾问题是中美关系的核心问题.美国对台决策最能体现其对华外交行政决策机制的特点.老布什时期的决策过程尤其富有戏剧性和典型性.现实主义决策模式认为,该决策是在当前的国际政治经济环境下,中美台两国三方博弈的结果.自由主义决策模式说明,美国国内的政治、经济及社会环境和结构起了决定性作用.官僚政治决策模式则强调,它是以总统为首的行政机构与国会之间及其内部各官僚政治机构之间较量的结果.最终,这三种行政决策模式共同构成美国对华外交行政决策机制.  相似文献   
142.
The present study theorizes ways in which foreign publics’ different relationship building patterns are associated with the reputation of a host country and with the outcomes of those patterns, which yield positive behavioral intentions. The study first distinguished the reputational relationship group (i.e., those who lack firsthand experience with the host country) from the behavioral relationship group (i.e., those who have firsthand experience with the host country). Next, it further conceptualized and tested the structural paths that theoretically illustrate how reputation is built across these two different groups of foreign publics. Model testing results suggested that the two groups fit well with the respective models. The results imply that the puzzle of relationship’s and reputation’s causal influences on the formation of future behavior can be solved using differentiated communication strategies. An understanding of these two distinct processing models provides a new foundation for theory building in public relations and public diplomacy, as well as new ground for strategic relationship management with foreign publics.  相似文献   
143.
清末,随着西方列强对中国侵略的步步深入,地方官员办理外交事务者逐渐增多,并且范围不断扩大,进而两司发展为近代中国独特的地方交涉机关。两司作为地方行政事务的主管机构,在地方外交事务中发挥了重要作用。清政府利用两司办理外交事务,既能贯彻其外交在外的行政方针,又能满足其天朝上国的虚骄心理,更解决了地方无外交机构的弊端。  相似文献   
144.
以思想、观念、文化为核心的"软实力"是当今世界各国新的竞争点,思想库作为国家思想创新的动力和源头是"软实力"竞争的关键。在现阶段发展进程和社会大环境下,中国的大学思想库最具备成长为具有国际影响力的大国思想库的必要条件。在理想的发展图景下,大学思想库在发展壮大的同时将推动大学自身的发展;发挥思想创新、政策建言、影响舆论的重要作用;逐渐承担起为政府培养人才的作用;成为公共外交和国际政治传播的主力军。应从前瞻性和建设性的高度,切实加强大学思想库建设。  相似文献   
145.
Without entering the debate about exactly what strategic communication is or should be, this article enumerates challenges facing efforts to inform, influence, and persuade in pursuit of national policy objectives first for the U.S. government in general, and then specific to the Department of Defense. With the problem space thus defined, the article then offers a handful of solutions and suggestions, including requiring desired information endstates as part of commander's intent and separating efforts to manipulate and deceive from truthful efforts to inform, influence, and persuade.  相似文献   
146.
In conflicts of the information age success in the application of force depends less on the outcome of tactical operations on the battlefields but more on how the war's purpose, course and conduct is viewed by public opinion at home as well as within the theatre of operations. Therefore western allies in Iraq and Afghanistan are not only involved in a physical struggle but also in a struggle over perceptions, for no long-term engagement of troops is possible without support from home, nor can a counterinsurgency succeed without the support of the local population. While the ability to exert influence upon various relevant target groups – opponents, the local population and the home front – has always been crucially important during conflicts, with the more recent globalized media this has led to previously unknown potential opportunities to influence audiences. With the intermixing of target audiences and the successes achieved by terrorists in the field of communication, the importance of the ideological struggle has increased enormously. In this context the concept of strategic communication has become relevant, which refers to the consistency of strategy, activities, themes and messages, and the aim of obtaining legitimacy and support. The heart of a strategic communication strategy is formed by a strategic narrative, a compelling storyline which can explain events convincingly and from which inferences can be drawn. Through a case study about the effectiveness of the execution of strategic communication during the mission in Afghanistan, the author wishes to increase the understanding of the concept.  相似文献   
147.
This paper investigates how the role of public relations practice in public diplomacy is undergoing a transformation as a consequence of the influence from nation branding. A case study of the Danish government's response to the so-called Cartoon Crisis illustrates how the threat from international terrorism to national security initially served as a catalyst for new public diplomacy initiatives. But as the initiatives were implemented within a framework of nation branding the focus on risk reduction became subjected to a marketing logic and a new focus on economic objectives took over. The paper points to a possible future status of public diplomacy under the influence of nation branding: Public diplomacy may maintain a function pertinent to national security but as this function is incapable of managing real risks it will only serve as auto-communication that legitimizes security policy towards a domestic audience. In the public diplomacy efforts towards transnational publics the link to national security will completely disappear whereby the public relations of states is transformed to the marketing of states.  相似文献   
148.
This study explored how Russian and U.S. newspapers covered the death of Osama bin Laden in 2011 through the lens of framing theory. Results reflect significant disparity in how media in different countries covered the same event, suggesting that terrorism events were framed as national concerns rather than global issues, thus potentially limiting governments and the media from building a shared understanding with international audiences. The findings also indicate that more robust media relations efforts are needed to counter simplistic media counterterrorism frames. Finally, the study identified new frames for counterterrorism including secrecy and humanizing terrorists. These new frames suggest the need to expand the framing literature to provide a better understanding of how the media cover counterterrorism, which may impact the U.S. government's public diplomacy and counterterrorism efforts.  相似文献   
149.
The image of a nation is crucial in the conduct of international relations (Wang, J. (2006). Managing national reputation and international relations in the global era: Public diplomacy revisited. Public Relations Review, 32, 91–96). A favorable image plays a critical role in asserting one's influence (Benoit, W. L., & Brinson, S. L. (1994). AT&T: “Apologies are not enough”. Communication Quarterly, 42, 75–88; Wang, J. (2006). Managing national reputation and international relations in the global era: Public diplomacy revisited. Public Relations Review, 32, 91–96). Often, strategic communication tools like public relations and media diplomacy are used to enhance a nation's image (Giffard, A., & Rivenburgh, N. K. (2000). News agencies, national images, and global media events. Journalism Quarterly, 77, 8–21). In 2007, China's reputation as “the workshop of the world” (Gaulier, G., Lemoine, F., & Unal-Kesenci, D. (2005). China: A workshop of the Cd and a market for Europe. At: http://ideas.repec.org/a/cii/cepill/2005-245.html. Accessed on 14 May 2009) came under severe threat with a series of product recalls. This was arguably the first time that allegations of product deficiencies were targeted at a country. Using the image repair theory, this paper examined the strategies used and the image these strategies generated for China. Findings showed that the initial defensive strategies generated an image of a hurried and harried country. After it was willing to confront the crises through corrective action, a surer and more determined image emerged.  相似文献   
150.
在美国分权制衡的政治体制下,国会与总统分享外交决策权力,并形成了独特的"二元民主"外交权力架构,本文分析了这一二元性权力架构得以形成的原因,并以府会在二战后围绕战争权力的争夺和交锋为重点,探讨了国会作为该架构下相对独立的一极,其战争权力的起伏消长及其对美国相关政策制定和实施所具有的影响.  相似文献   
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