地方精英与族群认同——一个村庄族群记忆的研究

本文通过对一个地方族群的案例分析,试图从地方精荚的话语表述和行为分析来探讨地方精英是如何影响地方族群记忆和地方族群认同的,并进一步强调族群的一些符号特征对于维持和凝聚族群的重要意义.     

新乡贤助推乡村振兴战略实现的路径研究

乡村振兴重在“人才振兴”,只有解决好了人的问题,乡村才能真正振兴,因而推动各类人才尤其是吸引新乡贤参与家乡各项事业发展,成为实现乡村振兴战略的客观要求。新乡贤作为实现乡村振兴战略的重要力量,在全面推进乡村振兴过程中对产业振兴、人才振兴、文化振兴、生态振兴和组织振兴等都发挥着积极作用,但在实践中暴露出一些突出问题,诸如对新乡贤认识定位不清晰、缺乏情感沟通、实践渠道受阻以及权益保障不到位等。为此,需要通过多种舆论宣传确保新乡贤“时刻挂念家乡”、加强日常情感联系推动新乡贤“经常回来走走”和注重多措并举鼓励支持新乡贤“共谋家乡发展”等实施路径,来不断提升新乡贤在乡村振兴中的工作实效性。     

Latino Faces,Corporate Ties: Latino Advocacy Organizations and Their Board Membership

Although they have increased exponentially since the 1960s, social scientists know little about ethnic advocacy organizations. These nonprofits are important bridges between underresourced communities and mainstream funding organizations and their directors are established ethnic leaders. Sociologists study interlocking directorates—or shared board membership—to understand how organizations fit together within broader social networks. Network concepts, particularly the theory of institutional isomorphism, suggest that organizations are likely to be similar to the extent they are connected and operate within a common organizational field. We apply this logic to Latino advocacy organizations to examine the underlying source of cohesion across this ethnic field. We ask whether the organizations are tied by interlocking directorates of ethnic elites who sit on their boards of directors or if board members' common affiliation with other elite institutions creates the structural conditions that facilitate potential ideological or behavioral similarity. A social network analysis of five prominent Latino advocacy organizations reveals support for both hypotheses: Latino board members are both embedded in ethnic‐based networks and entrenched within elite organizational webs. This suggests that ethnic elites who sit on the boards of Latino advocacy organizations are also corporate elites, selected for the social capital they bring to these nonprofits.     

Is there a global super-bourgeoisie?

In recent decades, accelerating processes of globalization and an increase in economic inequality in most of the world's countries have raised the question of the emergence of a new bourgeoisie integrated at the global level, sometimes described as a global super-bourgeoisie. This group would be distinguished by its unequaled level of wealth and global interconnectedness, its transnational ubiquity and concentration in the planet's major global cities, its specific culture, consumption habits, sites of sociability and shared references, and even by class consciousness and capacity to act collectively. This article successively discusses how the social sciences have examined these various dimensions of the question and begun to provide systematic empirical answers.     

和谐语境下知识精英的角色重构

知识精英在人类社会发展中起着不可替代的重要作用,但它又不是万能的.长期以来,由于过分迷恋于政治情结、启蒙心态和终极关怀,使知识精英出现了严重的角色扭曲.新时期,知识精英应摆正自己的位置,主要应在创建多元文化、维系和谐关系、促进机制创新等方面有所建树,力争在和谐社会的构建中实现自身价值.     

Resistance as Sacrifice: Toward an Ascetic Antiracism

Often described as an outcome, inequality is better understood as a social process—a function of how institutions are structured and reproduced, and the ways people act and interact within them across time. Racialized inequality persists because it is enacted moment to moment, context to context—and it can be ended should those who currently perpetuate it commit themselves to playing a different role instead. This essay makes three core contributions. First, it highlights a disturbing parity between the people who are most rhetorically committed to ending racialized inequality and those who are most responsible for its persistence. Next, it explores the origin of this paradox—how it is that ostensibly antiracist intentions are transmuted into “benevolently racist” actions. Finally, it presents an alternative approach to mitigating racialized inequality, one that more effectively challenges the self‐oriented and extractive logics undergirding systemic racism, rather than expropriating blame to others, or else adopting introspective and psychologized approaches to fundamentally social problems, those sincerely committed to antiracism can take concrete steps in the real world—actions that require no legislation or coercion of naysayers, just a willingness to personally make sacrifices for the sake of racial justice.     

The sociolinguistics of late modern publics

This issue examines struggles over public discursive power in late modern society, understanding that late modern publics are characterized by a destabilization of formerly unmarked public authorities, in other words, an unsettling of standardized “voices from nowhere” (Gal & Woolard, 2001). The contributions to the issue illustrate traditional social and academic elites’ discursive reactions to such developments. In the introduction, we outline different theoretical frameworks of modern and late‐modern publics, identify factors that contribute to a destabilization of modern certainties of social public order, and argue that a weakening of traditional public norms not only implies emancipation but also, as the contributions to the issue demonstrate, may bring along new forms of public dominance. For the positioning of contemporary sociolinguistic theory and practice, we conclude that it is the crucial task of the current public moment to critically self‐engage with our own relations with, and ideologies of, the public. Dieses Themenheft befragt Strukturen öffentlicher Diskursmacht in spätmoderner Gesellschaft und zeigt auf, dass spätmoderne Öffentlichkeit durch eine Destabilisierung von vormals unmarkierten Autoritäten ist, in anderen Worten, von standardisierten “voices from nowhere” (Gal & Woolard, 2001). Die Beiträge illustrieren Reaktionen traditioneller sozialer und akademischer Eliten hierauf. In dieser Einleitung skizzieren wir verschiedene theoretische Zugänge zu moderner und spätmoderner Öffentlichkeit, identifizieren Faktoren, die zu einer Destabilisierung von sozialen Gewissheiten der Moderne beitragen und legen dar, dass eine Schwächung traditioneller öffentlichen Normen nicht nur soziale Emanzipation impliziert sondern, wie die Beiträge zu diesem Heft zeigen, auch neue Formen öffentlicher Dominanz hervorbringt. In Bezug auf zeitgenössische soziolinguistische Theorie und Praxis schlussfolgern wir daraus, dass es im aktuellen öffentlichen Kontext eine zentrale Aufgabe der Soziolinguistik ist, sich kritisch mit den eigenen Beziehungen zu und Ideologien von Öffentlichkeit befassen. Das Themenheft soll zu dieser Auseinandersetzung beitragen.     

民国绅士内涵辨析

相对于明清时期,民国时期绅士已由一个封建特权阶层演变为一个具有特定身份属性的社会和职业群体,其地位和作用亦发生了巨大的变化。但学术界对于民国绅士涵义的理解颇多争议,或统称为地方精英,或将其等同于地方豪强、地主,还有人统以"劣绅"目之。这些说法或过于笼统,或失之准确,难以准确概括民国绅士的内涵及特性。民国绅士是指在民国地方社会因拥有一定的旧式功名、新式学校教育背景或具有为官(或其他公职)经历而具有某种政治、经济、知识或文化优势并在社会具有一定影响力的不同于官员也有异于民的地方精英力量。     

新乡贤重塑乡规民约:历史承继、时代价值及实现路径

当前乡村治理中乡规民约面临德治退化、自治弱化及法治虚化等现实困境。新乡贤作为乡村社会精英群体,在增强乡规民约的现代性、厚植乡规民约的乡土性及强化乡规民约的权威性等方面具有显著的时代价值,是重塑乡规民约的有益主体选择。实现新乡贤在重塑乡规民约中的时代价值,需要强化乡贤文化的敦风化俗功能、构建乡贤群体的风险防范机制及发挥乡贤组织的协商共治作用。     

特殊的视角与独特的历史——西方和谐社会理论的冲突论基础

从西方政治思想史的角度研究冲突理论的发展脉络及其模式是一种新的尝试,虽然社会学理论也曾试图对冲突理论进行历史性考察,但其理论根源通常是止于马克思,尽管存在对柏拉图等人的研究,但对他们的冲突理论的研究缺乏系统的归纳和整理,使他们的冲突理论依然没能独立出来,而且对他们之间的历史联系也未曾给予必要的关注。这里,我们从政治学的角度比较系统地探讨了冲突理论的发展阶段,其代表性的冲突理论包括托马斯.阿奎那冲突模式理论;马基亚维利的冲突模式理论;圭恰迪尼的冲突模式理论;霍布斯冲突模式理论;卢梭的民主冲突观;博林布鲁克冲突模式理论;自由主义多元论;马克思主义两极冲突模式理论;和谐主义冲突模式。