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91.
在可以预见的时间里赶上并超过发达资本主义国家,一直是中国共产党执政之后的重要目标.确立这样的目标本身无可厚非,问题在于用多长的时期和用什么样的方式实现赶超.1958年开展的"大跃进"运动,就是一场企图在短时间内实现赶超目标的大实验,结果欲速则不达,留下了深刻的教训.  相似文献   
92.
龚斌  包卫平 《阴山学刊》2001,16(5):54-56
随着体育运动的日益发展,音乐作为体育运动的一种表现形式和运动训练的辅助手段,已逐步被一些项目所采用.为搞清音乐与体育的结合点,通过音乐与体育的节奏性特点,阐述了音乐的节奏性规律对体育运动的影响.在某些体育运动项目中采用音乐伴奏可以提高运动成绩.同时,音乐又以它独有的魅力直接表达体育的美.分析音乐与体育的结合机制,有利于进一步促进音乐在体育领域里的应用.并且,音乐对培养运动节奏感有很大帮助.  相似文献   
93.
五四作家普遍表现出偏激情绪 ,其心理根源于作家们严重的焦虑和孤独与强烈的叛逆。而作家们的这种心理又是当时社会现实与作家个人经历、天赋禀性的产物。作家们的偏激情绪产生了激进的思想和激烈的言论 ,一方面以其狂飙突进的气势猛烈攻击封建传统与旧文化 ,另一方面由于潜在的农民文化心理的作用而不可避免地留下不少缺憾。同时 ,这种偏激情绪在文学创作中也产生了一定的影响  相似文献   
94.
This article draws on long-term fieldwork among Slovak Roma migrants, identifying processes through which a haunting figure of the Roma migrant emerges across Europe, to argue for more differentiated accounts of continuing and emerging forms of racialisation. It explores how the movement of Roma (whose bodies are marked by their racialised ‘darkness’ in Slovakia) to Britain granted them a temporary escape from this modality of branding while simultaneously exposing them to different categorisations within a re-configuring classificatory matrix. The article develops the concept of ‘migrating racialisation’ in order to empirically trace how historically developed forms of racialisation in Slovakia migrate across Europe through the movement of Roma and non-Roma migrants from Eastern Europe, as well as through particular forms of knowledge circulating within transnational fields constituted not only by Roma migrants themselves but also by various institutions for ‘managing’ or ‘researching’ ‘the Roma’. This concept allows us to analyse how the recent forms of racialisation simultaneously draw on heterogenous histories and nation-state formations, social conditions and sedimented bodily dispositions, which are re-adjusted to new social conditions, discourses and emerging forms of knowledge produced about Roma migrants over the last decade in British and European contexts.  相似文献   
95.
Drawing from the theory of policy voting, this study examines the impact of opinions about gay rights on voting for presidential candidates. Qualitative analysis of the major party platforms and candidate campaign rhetoric from the six presidential elections held between 1988 and 2008 indicates that Democratic and Republican presidential candidates began openly expressing opposing positions on gay rights issues in 1992. Quantitative analysis of public opinion shows that, starting in 1992 and continuing through 2008, gay rights issues became more salient to the public, and opinions about gay rights began to exert a significant effect on vote choice. The study concludes with a discussion of the partisan forces that shaped the electoral significance of gay rights issues during the period from 1988 to 2008 and speculation about the role of gay rights issues in shaping future partisan electoral strategy.  相似文献   
96.
Within sexual geographies, sexual struggles over urban public spaces are frequently explored. Less common is research on sexual struggles within sexually shared spaces and gay spaces. The aim of the article is to examine discursive struggles of meanings of gay male identity enacted in discussions of commodification/capitalism, disclosure, and space in Swedish gay press during 1969–1986. We trace the ambivalent feelings or the emergence of a new gay male norm situated between commercialism and non-commercialism within the Swedish gay press back to the 1970s. In the article we show how a monosexualization process was taking place in both the Swedish gay press as well as within sexual spaces. We explore rhetorical struggles between two competing discursive meanings of (ideal homonormative) male homosexuality, gay culture, and space: one wider (inclusive) and one narrower (exclusive).  相似文献   
97.
Lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) students experience ongoing bullying, harassment, and lack of safety in school. Specialized instructional support personnel (SISPs), such as school counselors, school social workers, and school psychologists, are in a unique position to advocate for LGB students and to implement an ally development model. The purpose of this article is to describe the current climate for LGB students, to discuss the current barriers facing SISPs in advocating for change, and to provide a model of ally development for use at each level of the K–12 system.  相似文献   
98.
In recent years, the lesbian and gay “scene” of bars, nightclubs, and dance parties has been undergoing a structural decline in many Western cities. This article aimed to examine the relevance of the scene to same-sex attracted young adults amid these changes. An online survey was conducted with 572 same-sex attracted young women and men in Sydney. Only a minority of respondents participated in the scene at least weekly (16%), and the majority did not regard the scene as important to their leisure time (60%). However, respondents valued the scene as a space to connect with other same-sex attracted people and display same-sex affection without fear of hostility. Lesbian and gay identified respondents tended to be more socially engaged with the scene compared to other same-sex attracted respondents. The findings suggest that while the scene continues to be valued by many same-sex attracted young people, improved social attitudes have made participating in the scene less of an imperative.  相似文献   
99.
The measurement invariance of the Modern Homonegativity Scale (MHS) was examined among heterosexual female (n = 449) and male (n = 329) university students who were predominantly Mexican American. The MHS demonstrated full invariance of factor loadings and partial invariance of latent intercepts. At the latent mean level, heterosexual men compared to heterosexual women held more negative attitudes toward both gay men and lesbian women. There were no latent mean differences in attitudes toward gay men and lesbian women when rated by either heterosexual men or heterosexual women. The MHS can be used by heterosexual men and heterosexual women to assess their homonegativity.  相似文献   
100.
湘鄂川黔革命根据地是长江南岸的最后一块红色根据地,是在全国其他各路红军离开原有根据地后,由红二、六军团会师后建立的,为我国革命战争的胜利起到了不可忽视的作用。文章以“扩红运动”为研究维度,从三个方面进行深刻论析。面对国民党的“围剿”、根据地内反动势力的迫害以及薄弱的地方武装力量,“扩红运动”的组织发动显得迫切需要。“扩红运动”的组织发动不仅对打击封建反动势力、维护苏维埃政权、壮大革命队伍、策应红军长征,以及保卫土地革命成果、扩大中国共产党的影响有着重要的历史意义,而且还对当今密切党群关系、处理民族关系、加强军队建设等都有着重要的现实意义。  相似文献   
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