清末白话文运动研究的回顾、反思与展望

清末白话文运动不仅是研究中国政治、社会、思想、文化近代化过程中不能忽略的一环，更是五四白话文运动和新文学革命的前驱乃至重要环节。然而，这一极富学术价值的跨学科课题，迄今的研究基础甚为薄弱，且存在着一些根深蒂固的偏见和不应漠视的盲点，以及诸多似是而非的常识性错误和尚未走出的认识误区。从作为启蒙与革命思潮、语言文字革新思潮和白话文学思潮等视角对其进行系统研究，深入考察其白话文（学）的原初状态及其语言、文体、语体和观念流变，发掘大量鲜为人知的文学作品等，是这一领域富有学术价值的着力方向。     

社会养老保障一体化：嵌入农民流动的新变量——以浙江省为例

中国特别是浙江省城乡社会养老保障体系发展的重点,已经开始由城乡统筹迈向城乡一体化发展的新阶段,农民流动也已呈现出多元化的新特点。社会养老保障作为影响劳动力资源市场化配置的一种重要机制,将深深嵌入农民流动之中,一体化的社会养老保障体系对农民流动的意愿、能力和过程都将产生深刻影响,成为嵌入农民流动的新的变量因素。通过加快小城镇化建设,减少农村人口总量和比例,促进农民向市民转化;深化传统城乡户籍管理制度改革,取消基于身份和人群划分的制度规定;创新社会养老保障关系转续机制,推进一体化的制度并轨和管理整合,构建一体化社会养老保障体系,促进农民流动。     

试论网络群体性事件中个人信息的滥用与救济

在互联网时代,网络的开放性和匿名性促进了信息发布的繁荣与泛滥,每一个人既可能是信息滥用的始作俑者,又可能是信息滥用的受害者。网络群体性事件是个人信息滥用的重灾区,在程度上可以区分为递进的三级,即对正式发布文本中个人信息的集成;挖掘并发布当事人的日常生活隐私;将当事人的真实信息与虚构和想象结合在一起,以抹黑当事人。针对网络群体性事件中个人信息日益严重的滥用,需要强化互联网个人信息发布规则,建立针对个人信息滥用的纠正机制,强化快速而有力的司法救济措施。     

The spiral of advocacy: How state-based LGBT advocacy organizations use ground-up public communication strategies in their campaigns for the “Equality Agenda”

This article outlines the communication and outreach strategies used by state-based LGBT advocacy organizations. Leaders of these organizations explained through in-depth interviews that their campaigns address four policy areas: non-discrimination, hate crimes, safe schools, and relationship recognition. LGBT citizens and allies serve as spokespersons. They convey stories of the LGBT experience and reinforce LGBT issues as mainstream concerns. State-level advocacy emphasizes that substantive change occurs from the ground up; change nationally requires a critical mass of support first at local levels. This article demonstrates how public relations can serve as a tool for democracy and an instrument of social change, and how “managing legitimacy” can be placed as central to the public relations’ process.     

The transnational sphere of justice: disability praxis and the politics of impairment

In this paper, my aim is to elaborate disability movement praxis so that transnational struggles for justice over the production of impairment emerging from the Global South can be represented within the transnational frame of disability politics. The paper seeks to explore the potential of deepening socio-political understandings of impairment as a means to radically democratize disability movement politics at the transnational scale to encompass pluralist, yet subaltern, collective claims for justice. I am guided by the question: if impairment is the place that makes visible invisible debts, can the global disability rights movement begin a process of re-identification to open the boundaries of disability justice claims and develop a strategic orientation which recognizes those collective justice claims for geopolitically produced impairments?     

任务导向和内容对网络旅游横幅广告受众的眼动影响

用眼动仪记录33名被试浏览含有网络旅游横幅广告的网页时的眼动数据,并运用SPSS软件对数据进行分析,可知任务导向和内容对网络旅游横幅广告受众的注意情况.结果显示：（1）任务导向对广告受众注意影响的主效应显著,无任务组的网络广告受众对广告的注视时间和注视次数均显著多于有任务组的网络广告受众;（2）网页内容与旅游横幅广告内容的相关性对广告受众注意影响的主效应不显著.     

刘湛恩与非战建设运动

20世纪30年代初,国内政局动荡,日军侵略日盛。作为主要发起人之一,刘湛恩参与组织非战建设运动,倡议各界领袖订立 “国民非战公约”,成立 “非战运动大同盟” 。虽然运动最后无疾而终,但在一定程度上启迪了国民,推广了团结抗日的思想,有助于日后抗日民族统一战线的形成和抗日战争的最后胜利。     

历史、政治与女性身体的边地呈现——从董立勃小说《烈日》、《箫与刀》看新疆兵团妓女改造运动

发生于20世纪50年代初的妓女改造运动是被当代作家反复书写的历史事件之一,他们从不同的角度与层面走进共和国成立之初那场浩荡的运动,用文学语言和浪漫想象去书写经历这场运动的新中国的"旧女性"们的现实世界,从而呈现出当年这些新中国的"旧女性"———妓女们在改造过程中鲜为人知的辛酸与苦涩。这场妓女改造运动的最终完成,依靠的是特定时空下党和政府的劳动教育、她们自身从自我精神层面的"脱胎换骨",以及整个社会从观念上对她们身份及所从事的行当认识的彻底转变。董立勃小说《烈日》、《箫与刀》中关于新中国成立之初那场妓女改造运动的文字呈现和对当时妓女们社会改造的文学叙述,走进了数十年前新疆生产建设兵团的妓女改造运动的历史场域,使人了解了那些女人们曾经生活的世界。     

Occupy's predicament: the moment and the prospects for the movement

Occupy Wall Street has stalled in its attempt to make a transition from a moment to a movement. It had a sizable impact upon the presidential election, driving America's political centre of gravity toward the left, but has been unable or unwilling to evolve beyond its original core into a ‘full‐service movement’ that welcomes contributions from a wide range of activists at varying levels of commitment and skill and plausibly campaigns for substantial reforms. In contrast to earlier American social movements of the twentieth century, the Occupy movement began with a large popular base of support. Propped up by that support, its ‘inner movement’ of core activists with strong anarchist and ‘horizontalist’ beliefs transformed the political environment even as they disdained formal reform demands and conducted decisions in a demanding, fully participatory manner. But the core was deeply suspicious of the ‘cooptive’ and ‘hierarchical’ tendencies of the unions and membership organizations – the ‘outer movement’ – whose supporters made up the bulk of the participants who turned out for Occupy's large demonstrations. The ‘inner movement's’ awkward fit with that ‘outer movement’ blocked transformation into an enduring structure capable of winning substantial reforms over time. When the encampments were dispersed by governmental authorities, the core lost its ability to convert electronic communications into the energy and community that derive from face‐to‐face contact. The outlook for the effectiveness of the movement is decidedly limited unless an alliance of disparate groups develops to press for reforms within the political system.     

Parallel Process Issues for Lesbian and Gay Adoptive Parents and Their Adopted Children

ABSTRACT

This article is a case study that examines the failures of the social welfare system in failing to prevent homelessness. This article chronicles one family's homeless experience and examines the social policies and programs that affected them. The authors make recommendations for further research and policy implementation for vulnerable populations.