Whose knowledge is valued: a critical study of knowledge in elementary school textbooks in China

This study critically examines knowledge in elementary school textbooks in China. Language analysis and story‐line analysis are used to examine how the knowledge related to minority groups and how the knowledge related to the Han group are introduced and interpreted. This study finds that the Han knowledge dominates elementary school textbooks in China and that minority knowledge and culture are under‐represented, which demonstrates that the dominant Han group’s knowledge is seen as the ‘truth’ while minority knowledge is seen as backward. Moreover, through the dominant Han group’s selection and construction of school knowledge, the Han group reproduces its ideology and legitimates its hegemonic control over minority groups. Minority knowledge and culture are, therefore, subjugated.     

后殖民理论及其意义

后殖民理论的先驱是一批旅居西欧的非洲知识分子 ,他们在 2 0世纪 5 0、6 0年代对殖民主义给殖民地遗留的问题进行思考。 2 0世纪 80、90年代 ,后殖民主义成为流行世界的文化思潮。作为后殖民主义的原创性理论 ,主要包括赛义德的“东方主义“、“文化霸权”理论 ;斯皮瓦克的“边缘中心化”理论 ;霍米·巴巴的“含混矛盾的杂糅”、“文化差异性发布”、“第三度空间”理论。后殖民理论呈现出复杂性、理论对抗性和两重性的特点 ,但其文化贡献和社会意义非常明显 :对“欧洲中心论”文化立场的批判、东方民族的文化建设和民主进程的推进都具有重要价值。     

The struggle for hegemony: the emergence of a counter-public sphere in post-1997 Hong Kong

The present study examines the struggle for hegemony in the public sphere by two different systems, following Hong Kong’s handover to China in 1997. It has been postulated that the new media, particularly social media, has become an important public sphere for the citizens of Hong Kong to engage in an anti-hegemonic struggle against China’s discursive encroachment into Hong Kong since 1997. Given that the public platform provided by legacy media has been bought out or coopted by China, new media has begun to serve as a subaltern public sphere to enable resisting the hegemony imposed by China. This was analyzed through a survey conducted as part of this study, which showed that people who are young, read the Apple Daily, have high expectations of local autonomy, and a high regard for press freedom are prone to using social media to obtain their social and political information. This article analyzes the implications of the emergence of a counter-China hegemonic public sphere.     

英美主流媒体话语霸权分析

本文对英美主流媒体对2008拉萨骚乱事件以及奥运火炬传递的系列报道进行了批判语篇分析,阐述意识形态如何影响了语言应用,语言又如何被控制媒体的权力阶层用来传播强化自己的意识形态。这些新闻报道采用预设、分类、情态、引语等语篇手段来实现对语篇意识形态的控制,实施话语霸权的功能,达到话语霸权的目的。     

文化霸权下的认同与错位——试论"皇民文学"表现形态之差异及本质蕴意

“皇民文学”的法西斯意识形态已成定论,但对“皇民文学”作品的评价却莫衷一是。尤其是一些别有用心的台独学者,甚至出现美化“皇民文学”的现象。因此,有必要对“皇民文学”的表现形态及具体作品,作出一番梳理。从文化阐释角度来看,“皇民文学”表现出了在异族文化侵略下的民族认同与错位,体现出一种反文化特质。     

“美国梦”中的迷失者——《美国牧歌》主人公瑞典佬的悲剧评析

从个人、家庭和社会三个方面来探讨菲利普.罗斯的小说《美国牧歌》中主人公瑞典佬的悲剧命运。他的悲剧不仅是其个人的悲剧,也是家庭的悲剧,更是美国社会的悲剧。通过悲剧分析,不难发现作家对美国社会主流文化霸权的深刻揭露和对处于困境之中的犹太移民的深切同情。     

伊拉克战争的特点及其对美国霸权的影响

与冷战后的前三场战争相比,刚结束不久的伊拉克战争在战争指导思想、战争目标层次、战前外交努力及军事的政治服务效能等方面有其自身的特点。伊战将对美国霸权产生利弊并存的影响,美可能据此对其战略做出某些方面的调整。     

蒋史之争评析——抗战后期美国对华政策思考之一

蒋介石与史迪威之间的争执深刻反映了美国对华政策上追求霸权的实质。史迪威来华是为实现上述目标服务。史迪威与蒋介石之间的争执具体反映了美国开明派同中国顽固派 (其后台是美国保守派 )在如何实现美国政策目标上的冲突。罗斯福居中调控 ,在关键时刻牺牲史迪威 ,是想主要依靠蒋来实现其政策目标。罗斯福死后 ,右派政府把扶助蒋介石的政策发展到极端 ,导致战后冷战的惨剧     

葛兰西"文化霸权"的建构

文化霸权是一套具有浓厚政治色彩的意识形态话语.它与葛兰西的实践哲学、国家构成理论以及政治权力理论有着不可分割的联系.实践哲学是其理论基础,市民社会与政治社会的分层关系为其理论架构提供了可能,而政治权力中的另一种权力观念--"同意"则成为其理论的核心,也是其理论独创性之所在.     

Philanthrocapitalism as a Neoliberal (Development Agenda) artefact: philanthropic discourse and hegemony in (financing for) international development*

ABSTRACT

Based on a critical analysis of the structurally neoliberal financing for development (FfD) system established by the Addis Ababa Action Agenda, this article contributes to the literature that views the 2030 Agenda as a new phase of the Neoliberal Development Agenda (NDA), which has been consolidated as hegemonic within the international development (ID) field in recent decades. Additionally, considering philanthrocapitalism as an ideological framework that proposes its own diagnoses and prognoses, we analyse various discourses of relevant Philanthrocapitalist Institutions and International Organizations to point how they legitimate themselves. This article shows how philanthrocapitalism has been constituted not only as a key element within the current model of FfD but also as a genuine neoliberal artefact designed to encapsulate the NDA apparatus, and fostered by the discourse of international agencies to contribute to the meta-objective of consolidating the neoliberal model as hegemonic in the ID arena.