The Subpoena of Ethnographic Data

This essay outlines the author's experience of having his ethnographic data subpoenaed. It outlines the challenges of subpoena's to research, and suggests four solutions: (1) Apply for and utilize the National Institutes of Health certificate of confidentiality by asking health‐related questions over the course of one's research; (2) Establish a task force that articulates clear ethical guidelines for ethnographic research, with attention to the conditions wherein ethnographers can break confidentiality (and might also comply with subpoenas). These ethical guidelines should then be made clear to research subjects as a part of informed consent processes; (3) Demand that institutions (institutional review boards) that require confidentiality as a condition of research be required to defend that confidentiality through the office of the general counsel; (4) Socialize the cost of subpoenas, wherein scholars can be part of an insurance pool that will defend them in the event of a subpoena and thereby defend the general enterprise of ethnographic research.     

同意观念的历史谱系与当代困境

通过提出明示同意与默示同意这两个不同的同意概念并强调有别于集体同意之个体同意的重要性，特别是通过对默示同意的分析和说明，洛克使得近代意义上的同意理论逐渐浮出水面。同意理论在颠覆君权神授理论、确认人民主权思想的过程中有着无可置疑的历史价值。虽然在现当代，同意理论因遭遇到越来越多的诟病而逐渐步入困境，但同意理论并非一无是处。对于当代中国社会来说，强调政府及政府行为必须经过人民的同意这一点，对于政治体制的改革以及政治秩序的合法构建来说仍然具有极为重要且深远的意义。     

中国当下依法治国对孙中山“训政”思想的新发展——关于中国法治现代化阶段论的思考

当前中国特色社会主义法治与孙中山先生的“训政”相比，两者相似之处在于都坚持一党执政，并将此视为法治现代化进程中不可或缺的一个阶段性特征；不同之处在于两者的内容和性质发生了根本变化。内容的变化主要体现在社会基础发生巨大变化和民主成分获得较大增长；性质的变化主要体现在它不再是资本主义而是中国特色社会主义性质。以一党长期执政、不搞西方多党竞争为特点的中国特色社会主义法治长期存在的原因是：中国属于后发的政府主导的赶超型现代化国家，没有形成橄榄形社会结构，需要通过建立能够集中力量办大事的政治体制，实现中国的“富”与“强”。     

Effects of the social dominance orientation on environmental attitudes of Chilean university students / Efectos de la orientación a la dominancia social sobre las actitudes ambientales de universitarios chilenos

By adopting a multidimensional approach to environmental attitudes (apathy, anthropocentrism, connectedness and emotional affinity with nature), this study explores the relationships between these dimensions, social dominance orientation (SDO) and political orientation. Two hundred and sixty-two Chilean university students filled out an ad hoc online questionnaire. Two confirmatory factorial analyses showed the four typologies of environmental attitudes and the two factors for SDO, which are labelled group dominance and opposition to equality. Through hierarchical regressions, group dominance showed higher explanatory power of environmental attitudes than political orientation. Furthermore, using the bootstrap procedure we showed that group dominance mediated between political orientation and attitudes of apathy, anthropocentrism and connectedness, while opposition to equality mediated between apathy and emotional affinity. We conclude that SDO is an important variable for measuring political ideology while also providing new nuances when analysing the relationships with environmental attitudes.     

农业社会学:经典命题及其延续

作为一门新兴学科,农业社会学近年来在中国呈现出良好的发展势头。一门学科的发展,需要通过不断的知识积累和经验研究进行一砖一瓦的建设,其中理论建设尤其重要。同其他社会科学一样,经典文本在农业社会学的理论建设中具有核心位置。 本专题选取了三个(对)农业社会学中的经典命题:农业的生产时间与劳动时间、农业技术变迁中的占取主义与替代主义,以及技术采用中的“农业跑步机理论冶。按照时代背景、原典阐释、学术延续以及启发意义的思路撰写,尝试为农业社会学的入门者提供一种理论梳理的路径。     

A decade after the Reform: political activism of the Chinese of West Kalimantan,Indonesia

Political reform after the departure of President Soeharto’s New Order (1966–1998) provided opportunities for previously oppressed social groups to express their concerns and to demand fair recognition. The results of this newly found freedom have been quite immediately visible in Jakarta, where social and political institutions spearheaded by Chinese originally sprouted. In the regions, political participation of ethnic Chinese has also grown; significantly in those regions with a large Chinese population. In West Kalimantan, the number of Chinese being elected to local parliaments in some regions has doubled. They have also contested numerous direct local executive elections since 2003 and have been successful in winning four posts: a mayor, a district head, a deputy district head, and a deputy governor. By looking at the case of West Kalimantan, this article will examine the factors behind the growth in Chinese political activism, the factors contributing to the success of Chinese candidates in elections, how the Chinese have influenced local and provincial politics, and the challenges they are facing.     

革命与更化:立国时刻的治体重构

中国政治传统中积累了深厚的立国智慧，注重统一、安定之后的政教重建。古典革命本身意味着社会政治风化的向善提升、最终指向政治共同体精神的教化变迁。更化就代表了政治体致力于善治的文明化转变。儒家传统对于更化有全盘复古和与时损益两种激缓进路，渐进调适论在历史中更显出实践稳健性。政治更化着眼于立国构造中政治精英群体的养成，以此影响立国精神与政治权力再分配，体现出兼顾政治信念与宪制结构的治体论意识。文教振兴因此有其宪制蕴涵。更化立国的政治技艺，避免全盘复古的激进变法冲动，也避免将政治转型急切聚焦于政体制度的大规模改变。这是我们理解中国政治变迁的关键维度。     

忠义之气：张齐贤对宋初儒学政治文化的构建及其政治实践

宋初倡导“名节”的思想在张齐贤那里得到了明确的贯彻。他宣讲的“忠义”观念成为宋代政治文化的核心规范意识。“忠义”作为一种思想规范对相当广泛的社会层面产生着约束力，成为传统社会士大夫阶层共同的心理定式，使之由过去对功名的孜孜追求，转向道德精神的弘扬。北宋立国之后，“忠义”作为政治思想的基本原则和政治道德的主体形态，在新的时代情境中得到了特别的强调。张齐贤的政治治理思想，体现在地方治理和对外谋略两个方面，而在此两个方面他都践履了自己所倡行的“忠义”理念。