哈贝马斯的知识类型观

为推进知识类型的实证化批判,哈贝马斯通过整合康德、皮尔士、狄尔泰和弗洛伊德等人的思想资源,挖掘出兴趣框架:技术的认识兴趣、实践的认识兴趣和解放的认识兴趣;提出相应的新的知识类型:经验—分析的科学、历史—解释学的科学和批判性的社会科学。哈贝马斯认为,对兴趣框架及知识类型的严格界定,是“重新创造自已的社会文化生活方式”的起跑线。     

科学哲学的最新走向——社会建构主义

科学哲学并不是逻辑经验主义的专利,人本主义等也是科学哲学的研究框架之一。从逻辑经验主义、历史主义和人本主义等研究框架看,现代科学哲学正走向社会建构主义。     

实证传统与埃斯卡皮的文学社会学

埃斯卡皮的文学社会学思想,开启了作为学科的文学的社会学研究范式。从文论发展史看,它既是对当时文学领域形式主义方法的反拨,又是对法国本土实证主义学术传统的承继和借鉴。这一独特路径,使得在文学研究对象、文学性与社会性、读者创造性接受等方面,都提出了自己深刻的见解。同时,实证主义传统固有的局限性,也约束了其理论体系的建构。     

从龙勃罗梭与托尔斯泰之争看实证主义犯罪学

尽管龙勃罗梭因为天生犯罪人论而倍受误解与非议，但他唯一不能释怀的却是托尔斯泰的批判，并甚至为此专程远赴俄国希望获得对方的理解。这为我们开启了一扇重新审视实证主义犯罪学的窗口。天生犯罪人论不过是一个以社会防卫论为刑事政策指向的庞大学术工程的开端。实证主义犯罪学通过批判过往的刑事理论．彻底扬弃了以报应为核心的刑罚观，将关注的重点从犯罪行为转向了承受刑罚之痛的主体——犯罪人，进而提出了革命性的犯罪人矫治理念。     

实证:法国比较文学的逻辑起点

法国比较文学为规范比较文学学科创立了一整套严密的研究体系 ,这一体系迄今仍在学术界发挥着巨大作用。而实证则是法国比较文学研究的逻辑起点。重新认识这一逻辑起点 ,不仅有助于我们认识法国比较文学研究的厚重与扎实 ,而且也是为了更好地继承这一优良学风 ,对比较文学学科的建设起到强有力的推进作用     

罗宾斯经济思想中方法论研究评析——兼论经济学方法论研究中的实证主义痕迹

经济学方法论的研究贯穿于现代西方经济学发展的整个过程中,有着极为重要的意义。在经济学方法论史上,莱昂纳尔.罗宾斯是一位重要的人物,他的著作《经济科学的性质和意义》也有着重要的地位。他本人被认为是实证主义经济学方法论研究的最后代表。通过对罗宾斯经济思想中的方法论研究的简要评析,我们可以深入探讨后实证主义时代经济学方法论研究中实证主义痕迹的有关问题。     

试论荀子的法治思想及与西方实证主义的某种契合

荀子是先秦儒家最后一位大师,先秦思想的集大成者。荀子所处的时代是战国末期,所以,在他的思想中,融合了诸子各家之长。尤其是在批判诸子以及儒家学术之中,通过辟枉以解说天人关系,解蔽以揭示真理观,批儒以隆礼重法。荀子的这些思想对后世儒学影响深远。其天人观,真理观以及隆礼观甚至达成了与西方现代实证主义法学的某种契合,则更可谓先秦时期最具法治光芒的思想。     

国内外关于考茨基思想研究的述评

考茨基是第二国际马克思主义"正统"的典型代表,国内外学者对其理论思想都做出了研究。综观这些研究,可以看出无论国内还是国外对考茨基思想的评价都受到了以早期西方马克思主义为主要代表的黑格尔主义的马克思主义的解释的影响,将考茨基的马克思主义定位于决定论、实证主义的马克思主义。如何抛开固有评价模式,深入考茨基的理论内容,客观公正地定位考茨基的马克思主义,成为考茨基研究的一个突破口。     

Positivism and interpretation in sociology: Lessons for sociologists from the history of stress research

This paper examines the relation between positivistic and interpretive sociology, using the stress research literature as a case study. Analyzing the cultural history of the stress concept, it uncovers four central themes: anxiety, performance, adjustment, and mentalism. Examining the self-criticisms made by scientific students of stress, it focuses on the problems of temporal order, confounding, and interaction. Comparison of the cultural and scientific literatures shows that while some of the positivists' complaints derive from general methodological choices, others come from inescapable aspects of the culture's general idea of stress. Considering the past development of stress research, the paper argues that positivism and interpretation have not been Cartesian opposites but interpenetrating fractals. It then speculates about what this relation implies for future positivistic studies, both in the stress literature and more generally.This paper was first presented at the joint invitation of the Department of Sociology and Anthropology and the Hispanic Research Center at Fordham University, May 15, 1987.     

Durkheim'sdivision of labor in society

The source of social life, according to Durkheim, is the similitude of consciousnesses and the division of labor. The former is best evident among primitive societies where a mechanical solidarity, evidenced by repressive law, prevails; the latter in advanced societies where populations evidence greater dynamic density, and juridical rules define the nature and relations of functions. In combating individualism and basing the existence of societies on a consensus of parts, Durkheim refutes his positivistic emphasis which denies the relevance of ends to a scientific study of society. In his discussion of social ends is a latent anti-mechanistic trend. The theory of unilinear development is established on deficient ethnographic data. It assumes the absence of division of labor among primitive societies and of any mechanical solidarity among modern societies. Repressive and restitutive law Durkheim seeks to use as indexes of mechanical and organic solidarity, but he does not establish with any precision the perfect associations which he assumes obtain between his types of solidarity and of law.Reproduced from theAmerican Journal of Sociology, Vol. 40 (1934), pp. 319–328. (© 1934 by the University of Chicago. All rights reserved.)