对德国“双元制”职业教育体系的认识与反思

德国＂双元制＂职业教育体系近年来一直是我国职业教育界学习的对象,作者通过自己在德国接受职业教育教师培训的经历,提出对德国＂双元制＂职业教育体系的几点认识,同时对比中国当前的职业教育进行了反思。     

1951年欧洲防务集团方案的缘起与意义

欧洲防务集团方案是两极对峙格局业已形成之时,西方军事安全需要与对德政治情势的妥协产物。它综合了美国全球战略、美欧关系、欧洲国家间尤其是法德间利益等诸多因素,体现了从普利文计划的出笼到斯波福德计划的妥协,直至彼得斯堡与巴黎的争执的发展过程。它不仅能通过欧洲框架融合法德关系,消弭西德与北约欧洲成员的矛盾,从而为最终以北约方式武装西德创造条件;而且,对促进西德平等地获取主权、进而入盟西方意义深远。     

德意法西斯主义运动比较

在20世纪20~30年代,欧洲出现了德国和意大利两个法西斯国家,这两个国家在法西斯政权建立过程中,从其产生的理论基础、原因、过程以及结果来看,都有诸多的相似之处。然而,深入研究德意法西斯运动的整个历史,我们又会发现两者还存在着大量的不同之处。本文试图就德意法西斯运动做一全面比较。     

Between labour market and retirement pension — flexible transition as a new paradigm for ageing societies?

Increasing the pensionable age due to rising life expectancy meets strong political resistance. For health and labour market reasons it will always be impossible for some to achieve full pension eligibility directly from employment. Even if early retirement options are not restricted the scope for an accumulation of earnings to fund an early pension is often narrowly defined. Consequently, it is impossible for early retirees to compensate for the reductions in the pension they receive. Contrary to the general tendency to increase the pensionable age an alternative reform proposal is currently under discussion in German social policy circles. This involves free choice of retirement at age 60; unlimited accumulation of additional pension entitlements whilst earning; actuarial deductions for early retirement; and consideration of life expectancy in making adjustments to pension awards. This solution relieves the public pension system financially, raises the attractiveness of senior citizens on the labour market, offers the opportunity for a self‐determined transition from work to retirement and reduces political resistance to pension reform. The effect on the labour market for senior citizens remains to be examined.     

Migration Policies and Political Cultures in Europe: A Changing Trend

This paper discusses the relationships between the migratory policies of the EU countries with more experience of immigration and their national political cultures. It focuses on France, Germany and the United Kingdom. It then looks at Italy, a relatively new country of immigration, which, with 3,000,000 legal immigrants, has become the fourth country of immigration in Europe and the first in the Mediterranean basin. In its final part it highlights the incipient process of ‘communitarisation’ of the immigration policies of EU countries in the last decade. This process, which has already entailed a significant convergence of their migratory policies, is expected to continue after the recent enlargement of the European Union.     

德意志生存空间问题的终结

近代史上,德国借口其“生存空间”不足,企图通过战争手段来扩大其“生存空间”。但是,二次世界大战并没有解决德国“生存空间”问题,反而给世界和德国都带来了巨大的灾难。二战后德国吸取教训,用经济、技术等和平手段推进欧洲一体化进程,积极开拓第三世界市场,从而实现了德国的繁荣富强,解决了德国历史上所谓的“生存空间”问题。     

日德法三国政府促进大学生就业政策措施述评

日德法三国都是市场经济国家 ,大学生就业的市场化特征非常明显。这并不表明政府对此可以放任不管 ,一切由市场运作。而恰恰相反 ,日德法三国充分发挥政府宏观调控的作用 ,即通过制定有关的法律、法规和政策等 ,有效促进了大学生就业。这对我国即将面临和缓减大学生就业高峰的压力具有积极借鉴意义。     

Privatization and Public Opinion in Germany

Privatization has been a major issue around the world, but research on public opinion about it has been scarce. The German Social Survey provides an opportunity to compare citizen opinions from a formerly socialist-authoritarian regime with those from a democratic regime, in their opinions about privatizing banks, electrical power, and hospitals. As do citizens in surveys in other nations, Germans support privatization of the services in the order just given. Citizens from the east, where privatization led to sharp increases in unemployment, oppose privatization much more than do westerners. A LISREL analysis indicates that their opposition is not due to their concerns about its economic effects on themselves or the nation (economic pessimism), but more due to perception of the proper role of government (opposition to government spending), and sense of political efficacy. The analysis also reflects on the roles of other variables such as ideology, partisanship, gender, being unemployed, education, and preference for taxes versus public services. We discuss implications for theory and research on public opinion about government policies and services, such as the role of direct economic self-interest versus more symbolic and ideological orientations.     

德国新纳粹兴起的原因

作为政权形式的希特勒纳粹 ,早已被人类的正义力量所埋葬 ,但是 ,作为反动社会思潮和反动政治运动形式的纳粹 ,却始终在战后的 (联邦 )德国阴魂不散。作者对这一现象———新纳粹在德国兴起的原因作了探讨     

CULTURAL STUDIES IN GERMANY REVISITED

By drawing upon the insights of the Bakhtin Circle, this paper explores the extent to which the public sphere can open up possibilities for resistance to dominant social relations through ‘traces of meaning’. The author wishes to show how a public space for execution in seventeenth and eighteenth century London opened up a place at different levels of abstraction for a popular plebeian public sphere to flourish. When this public sphere disappeared in 1783, it is shown how its traces of meaning still survived in popular culture. These traces of meaning were re-combined through a royal crisis by more political labouring movements in the early nineteenth century that, in the main, unintentionally re-accentuated the same seventeenth- and eighteenth century-public space in London. By exploring the changing form of this public sphere it is shown how a dominant discourse changes over time and how this dominant discourse can be rendered in the words of Mikhail Bakhtin as ‘heteroglossic’ and refracted into modes of public resistance in specific spaces. To demonstrate this, the ideological form of the public sphere in early nineteenth century Britain is outlined and is then shown how it became refracted within the royal scandal which, in turn, came to be refracted within a specific space in London.