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11.
The widespread use of social media has stimulated the number of crises on a global scale and given rise to regenerative crises which involve multiple crisis stages and publics. Using the Social-Mediated Crisis Communication model and the regenerative crisis model, this study explores a real-life organizational crisis related to Lancôme Hong Kong, which was driven by the socio-political environment after the Umbrella Movement. It aims to examine the engagement strategies by different publics, and also the influence of information forms and sources on the trends of emotion among social media publics. Results also provided an empirical evaluation of the regenerative crisis model driven by a socio-political environment. An online content analysis of selected 10% sample with an online data acquisition and analysis tool (3902 Facebook posts and comments, 1178 forum posts and comments, and 244 online news articles) revealed the interlocking connection among the involved publics along with the social-mediated regenerative crisis life cycle. Followers’ emotional responses were not only attached to Lancôme, but also to third parties as information sources. Four subcategories of influential social media creators were identified. Refinement on the Social-Mediated Crisis Communication model and practical implications are suggested.  相似文献   
12.
This article focuses on political participation of local publics in the unemployment field, examining networks of collective actors in Lyon and Turin. Our main question is: Is the participation of local publics fostered under conditions of more developed governance that increases bottom-up access (formal or informal) to elites and institutions in the policy domain? Drawing upon the most recent developments in literatures on social movement theory, governance and network analysis, this article discusses the main variations in terms of political participation of local publics in Lyon and Turin. It then enquires into the main explanatory factors accounting for these variations, thus showing that the openness of governance does influence the level of political participation of local publics. The main argument is that in an open context participation is low, while in a closed (or underdeveloped) context local publics participate more, with differential access to decision-making according to their resources.  相似文献   
13.
En Inde, depuis les réformes économiques de 1991, les syndicats ont toujours moins d'influence sur les politiques adoptées et l'issue de la négociation collective. En se fondant sur des données recueillies dans l'État du Maharashtra, auprès de délégués de deux centrales syndicales, l'auteur cherche à vérifier si le «partenariat social», au sens de coopération avec l'employeur, pourrait permettre aux syndicats d'inverser la tendance et de servir plus efficacement les intérêts des travailleurs. Si la législation protectrice du Maharashtra semble propice à la concertation, les pratiques sur le terrain, l'indifférence des autorités et une jurisprudence défavorable réduisent les possibilités de bâtir un véritable partenariat social.  相似文献   
14.
Publics are not what they were once imagined to be. A growing body of interdisciplinary work is shifting attention to processes in which publics are summoned, constituted and mobilized within political struggles. Nowhere is the formation of publics, as multiple, contingent and contested, more evident than in the varied responses to the transformation of urban spaces. Publics are emerging around issues of belonging, heritage, rights and participation within increasingly divided and unequal cities. Through a close reading of discourses of revitalization and gentrification in the case study of the controversial redevelopment of the Woodward's building in Vancouver, Canada, I examine how the formation of issues imagines and mobilizes publics and further how these discourses work to define possibilities of democratic participation. I show that discourses of revitalization, relying on economic and cultural logics of urban redevelopment, imagine an exclusive, individualized and passive public. In contrast, anti-gentrification discourses, advancing social and political logics of redevelopment, mobilize a collective, active and more inclusive public. In exploring publics within the relationship between issue formation and political participation, I suggest that urban struggles, such as that at Woodward's, are sites in which to understand how meanings of democracy are being contested and rewritten in the contemporary moment.  相似文献   
15.
Abstract

Twitter is becoming a discursive but also contested space for articulations of feminist protest. A hashtag that collected experiences with everyday sexism in the German-speaking world was #aufschrei, which became the 2013 hashtag of the year. In exploring the role of online feminist protest in the construction of alternative meanings, this paper draws on theories of the public sphere. Specifically, we build upon a communication studies model that refers to mutually permeating spheres of discourse in three layers, the simple, intermediate, and complex, each of which exhibits its own communication forms and forums. The methodology includes both a quantitative and a qualitative content analysis of #aufschrei tweets and of feminist blogs in order to comprehend argumentation patterns and networking practices. We argue that Twitter adopts the function of a simple public, where values and norms are negotiated at an everyday level. Feminist blogs create an intermediate public, in that they generalize experiences and are oriented towards networking. However, the persistent number of anti-feminist and sexist messages on Twitter likewise shows that online debates on gender topics have been increasingly infiltrated by these positions. Against this backdrop, in the conclusion, we discuss the feminist activist potential of #aufschrei.  相似文献   
16.
17.
This research investigates how the social media-based crisis response of two organizations operating in a specific polarized context unfolds along a regenerative crisis lifecycle in line with the contingency theory of accommodation. By analyzing two crises that affected the Maxim’s and Yoshinoya groups during the Hong Kong social unrest in 2019, the paper commits to explicate how internal, socio-environmental, and external publics’ factors shape the communication patterns of the crisis. By focusing on Facebook posts and information available online, this study examines how the two selected organizations responded to specific crisis situations, and how publics reacted during the regenerative crisis lifecycle. Results show that Maxim’s took the advocative, while Yoshinoya engaged in the accommodative stance initially. Then, they both turned to an avoidance stance to deal with active online publics with opposing political stances. Contingent factors driving the organizations to adopt specific stances were relevant to internal members, organizational characteristics, social media environment, and external publics. Results provide insights about the complexities organizations face to respond to online publics in regenerative social-mediated crises. They also advance the contingency theory by refining the advocacy-accommodation stance continuum, re-defining contingent factors, and explicating the interactive effects of contingent factors on organizational response decision making in a polarized and social-mediated context.  相似文献   
18.
Government and emergency management (EM) agencies play a leading role in managing natural disasters. However, it is less well understood how the quality of the relationship between government and various publics may impact long-term disaster-coping and recovery outcomes. Extending the relationship management framework to the context of disaster management, the current study tests the relationships among different ethnic publics’ OPR quality, their communicative behaviors of seeking government and EM information, and disaster-coping outcomes. Results suggest that government OPR quality is positively related to information seeking and major disaster-coping outcomes, including self-efficacy, collective efficacy, and community resilience perceptions. Moreover, the extent to which OPR quality impacts disaster-coping outcomes significantly diverges across ethnic lines. Results provide implications for multicultural relationship management in the context of post-disaster recovery and community building.  相似文献   
19.
Since 1988 when it was founded, the Sud-PTT Union has often used law suits as a means of action in dealings with French postal authorities. Law is a full part of its practices. This is surprising coming from a union strongly attached to a protest tradition and so symbolically hostile to any form of institutionalization. What reasons underlie this orientation? The “conflict of rules” undertaken by SUD-PTT must be seen in relation to a major change in contemporary social strife. The “antagonistic posture” is no longer limited to collective actions but extends to more institutionalized strategies. Not just technical or instrumental, this sort of action aims at bringing pressure to bear on norms and, as a consequence, on the codification of social relations and on ways of living together.  相似文献   
20.
The extension of social protection to all has become a central policy objective, both nationally and internationally. A considerable number of middle‐ and low‐income countries have undertaken substantial efforts to extend social protection, while the international community reaffirmed its commitment to the extension of social protection through the adoption of the ILO Recommendation concerning National Floors of Social Protection, No. 202 (2012). This article reviews the legal provisions and the implementation of the Indian Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), legislated in 2005, and does so in the light of the more recent provisions of ILO Recommendation No. 202. Since its introduction ten years ago, MGNREGA has provided a source of income to rural workers, increased wage rates, achieved high female participation rates and created durable assets. India's local governance bodies, Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRI), have been empowered and involved in the processes of planning and monitoring. However, despite successes, there have been considerable shortcomings in implementation. This article highlights two central themes: first, the innovative policy framework of the Act, which brings together rights‐based entitlements, demand‐driven employment, and citizen‐centred monitoring. Second, it assesses the accessibility and adequacy of benefits in the implementation of MGNREGA. We conclude that MGNREGA offers potential for South‐South learning, both in terms of policy‐design and implementation.  相似文献   
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