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101.
102.
Khalid Arar 《Social Identities》2013,19(5):625-642
Interviews were held with 12 Muslim Palestinian women from Israel, presently studying in Jordan (6) or who had completed their higher education in Jordan (6). They explained the factors that pushed or pulled them to study in Jordan, the independence that they experienced there, the empowerment they achieved, and the price they paid when they returned to Arab society in Israel. The Arab cultural space in Jordan is defined as both foreign and close, due to its geographical and cultural proximity, and yet its distance from home and patriarchal supervision. The research findings indicate that this situation influences the formation of these women's gender identity and their empowerment but also creates much pain and conflict. The Palestinian women's new identity, formed during their studies, assists them in their efforts to reintegrate and establish their status when they return from their academic studies abroad to their society of origin, Muslim Arab society in Israel. 相似文献
103.
Chui Ping Iris Kam 《Social Identities》2013,19(6):649-661
This paper examines the use of Chinese traditions for the formation of a felt Hong Kong identity and a national identity among students in the personal and social education curriculum before and after reunification with China in 1997. This paper argues that the addition of China elements to the curriculum after reunification contributes to the continuous ambiguous identity of students, which is consistent with the results of various poll surveys about the civic identity of Hong Kong people in a larger context. This is because the personal and social education reform after reunification assumed a simple correlation between the patriotic feelings of students and their knowledge of China. It does not question how the promotion of an intensely unifying ‘cultural identity’ as political commitment is differentiated from the day-to-day ‘cultural experiences’ of students. 相似文献
104.
Haley Gentile 《Social Identities》2013,19(2):207-223
ABSTRACTSocial movements confronting overlapping inequalities face the unique challenge of elucidating the heretofore invisible experiences of those whose identities lie at the intersection of existing movements. Social media platforms provide a direct outlet for intersectional social movements to make political claims visually by illuminating these complexities creatively with discursive resources such as symbols, text, and narratives. Using content analysis of images posted to the organization’s Facebook, we examine how lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) immigration activists – as embodied by the Queer Undocumented Immigrant Project (QUIP) – attempt to communicate intersectionality online. Images posted by QUIP demonstrate how the existing ideas and values of separate established immigrant and LGBTQ movements can be reformulated and repackaged. However, the available discursive resources may compartmentalize identities, which then requires movements to generate new symbols, text, and narratives. By leveraging extant discursive resources and innovating new expressions, activists aim to communicate intersectional experiences and unite multiple struggles. 相似文献
105.
Stephen D. Morris 《National Identities》2013,15(3):239-255
Heightened integration with the US coupled with the rise of an indigenous movement have challenged and strained long-held images regarding the US and the indigenous within Mexico. As a result, Mexico finds itself facing the difficult task of re-evaluating and reconstructing its national identity. This paper explores the traditional images of the US and the Indian shaping national identity in Mexico and the challenges posed today by neo-liberalism and neo-indigenismo. It sets out a range of current issues, explores the linkages and contradictions, and examines the state of national reform. Fundamentally, the paper strives to raise important theoretical questions and hence set the stage for further research into these issues. 相似文献
106.
Moses Metumara Duruji 《National Identities》2013,15(4):329-350
The renewed demand for Biafra by Igbo people is a rejection of their post-war socio-political and economic condition in Nigeria. Through the processing of primary data, the paper examines this reinvention of Igbo nationalism. It looks at its linkage with the 1999 democratic transition in Nigeria, its implications and management by the government. The paper concludes that the renewed demand for Biafra is caused by perception of inequities and injustice in the distribution of power and resources among the Igbo. Hence a deliberate effort to correct these social problems can assuage ethnic tensions and presumption of political violence in Nigeria. 相似文献
107.
本文认为,我国现阶段的高教运行机制正处于过渡与转换的初始阶段,机制转换的完成需要经历一个较长的过渡时期.为了顺利平稳地完成机制转换,必须构建相应的过渡性目标模式,以此作为从适应产品经济到适应有计划的商品经济的高教运行机制模式转换的中介。因此,今后—个时期高教改革的基本思路就不应只朝一个方向努力,而应以国家职能转变为契机,在国家、社会和学校三方面同时展开,并辅之于教育市场的不断培育和竞争机制的逐步加强。 相似文献
108.
Risk,Media, and Stigma at Rocky Flats 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Public responses to nuclear technologies are often strongly negative. Events, such as accidents or evidence of unsafe conditions at nuclear facilities, receive extensive and dramatic coverage by the news media. These news stories affect public perceptions of nuclear risks and the geographic areas near nuclear facilities. One result of these perceptions, avoidance behavior, is a form of technological stigma that leads to losses in property values near nuclear facilities. The social amplification of risk is a conceptual framework that attempts to explain how stigma is created through media transmission of information about hazardous places and public perceptions and decisions. This paper examines stigma associated with the U.S. Department of Energy's Rocky Flats facility, a major production plant in the nation's nuclear weapons complex, located near Denver, Colorado. This study, based upon newspaper analyses and a survey of Denver area residents, finds that the social amplification theory provides a reasonable framework for understanding the events and public responses that took place in regard to Rocky Flats during a 6-year period, beginning with an FBI raid of the facility in 1989. 相似文献
109.
社会治理共同体视域下推进我国民族互嵌式社区治理共同体建设,既是促进各民族相互嵌入的基本着力点,也是落实民族工作“重在基层”的重要体现。本文通过对郑家庄典型社区进行调查研究,将民族互嵌式社区的系统建构与社会治理共同体建设相结合、相融通,见微知著,研究和探讨多民族社区治理的普遍规律,在共同体叙事中探寻我国民族互嵌式社区治理共同体建构的内在机理与框架体系。郑家庄通过系统推进“居住互嵌、组织互嵌、经济互嵌、文化互嵌与心理互嵌”,探索建构民族互嵌式社区生活共同体、组织共同体、经济共同体、文化共同体与情感共同体,为多民族社区实现“建设人人有责、人人尽责、人人享有的社会治理共同体”目标提供了实践样本。 相似文献
110.
Borgan and Langholz (1997) describe a method for estimating the parameter functions in Aalen's linear hazard regression model from sampled risk set data. Using a counting process formulation and the martingale central limit theorem, we provide a study of the asymptotic distributional properties of the estimator. The results are applied to study the efficiencies of the nested case-control and counter-matched designs relative to a full cohort analysis. 相似文献