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41.
论我国检察机关的宪法地位 总被引:20,自引:0,他引:20
检察体制改革的核心问题是如何认识检察机关在国家政权体制中的地位和作用。检察机关的历史作用、理论基础、法律性质以及检察权的性质等方面有待深入研究 ,我们应正确认识检察机关的宪法地位 ,把握检察制度改革的方向 相似文献
42.
朱玉福 《湖北民族学院学报(哲学社会科学版)》2007,25(4):61-64
民族法实施监督是我国法制监督的重要组成部分,对于民族法的有效贯彻落实具有重要作用。2006年全国人大常委会22年来首次检查《民族区域自治法》实施情况,标志着民族法实施监督工作迈上新台阶,是我国民族法实施监督的里程碑。以全国人大常委会首次检查《民族区域自治法》实施情况为契机,加强和完善民族法实施监督,为少数民族和民族地区全面建设小康社会、构建和谐社会和建设社会主义新农村提供强有力的民族法制保障。 相似文献
43.
44.
Annemarie Bouma 《Risk analysis》2011,31(8):1260-1270
Design of surveillance programs to detect infections could benefit from more insight into sampling schemes. We address the effect of sampling schemes for Salmonella Enteritidis surveillance in laying hens. Based on experimental estimates for the transmission rate in flocks, and the characteristics of an egg immunological test, we have simulated outbreaks with various sampling schemes, and with the current boot swab program with a 15‐week sampling interval. Declaring a flock infected based on a single positive egg was not possible because test specificity was too low. Thus, a threshold number of positive eggs was defined to declare a flock infected, and, for small sample sizes, eggs from previous samplings had to be included in a cumulative sample to guarantee a minimum flock level specificity. Effectiveness of surveillance was measured by the proportion of outbreaks detected, and by the number of contaminated table eggs brought on the market. The boot swab program detected 90% of the outbreaks, with 75% fewer contaminated eggs compared to no surveillance, whereas the baseline egg program (30 eggs each 15 weeks) detected 86%, with 73% fewer contaminated eggs. We conclude that a larger sample size results in more detected outbreaks, whereas a smaller sampling interval decreases the number of contaminated eggs. Decreasing sample size and interval simultaneously reduces the number of contaminated eggs, but not indefinitely: the advantage of more frequent sampling is counterbalanced by the cumulative sample including less recently laid eggs. Apparently, optimizing surveillance has its limits when test specificity is taken into account. 相似文献
45.
由于监督责任的缺位,导致一家没有注册过的“欧典”企业竟然公开通过虚假宣传和欺诈行为严重损害公众利益“。欧典事件”说明,监督责任的缺位是导致企业违法和政府失职的主要原因,其最终结果是政府公信力的破坏和公众利益的损害。因此,进一步通过建立健全包括公民责任和政府责任这两大责任体系的监督责任制度以确保公共利益的维护和实现就显得尤为迫切和必要。 相似文献
46.
陈玉杰 《河南工业大学学报(社会科学版)》2006,2(1):5-7
董事(会)在股份公司中执掌经营决策和业务执行权力。当董事利益与公司利益发生冲突时,董事往往会将其个人利益凌驾于公司利益之上,主要表现为董事违反竞业禁止义务、自我交易、篡夺公司机会等形态。为了防止董事滥权,保护公司利益,需要构建事前、事中和事后抑制机制,对董事职权的行使进行有效监督和规范。 相似文献
47.
Kirstie Ball 《Information, Communication & Society》2002,5(4):573-590
This article argues for a wider conceptualization of the meaning and significance of surveillance in contemporary social studies. It has been written in the context of recently published work by Lyon (2001, 2002) who establishes a powerful argument illuminating the social and technical interconnectedness of surveillance systems, and the invisibility of their social ordering effects, in everyday life. The article is divided into two parts. The first examines recent empirical work concerning two domains of surveillance practice, which are significant, and typical of the research findings in these areas of study. The first surveillance practice is that of CCTV in public space, and the second is that which occurs in the workplace. The second part, mindful of Lyon's (2001, 2002) arguments, analyses the recently published work to examine broader ways in which we might want to conceptualize surveillance. It argues that it comprises four elements: representation, meaning, manipulation and intermediation which interact to form 'surveillance domains', and, at a local level, are contested, politicized places. Highlighting the role of intermediation, it uses this framework as the basis of an applied research strategy into everyday surveillance practices. 相似文献
48.
Methods for online turning point detection in business cycles are discussed. The statistical properties of three likelihood-based methods are compared. One is based on a Hidden Markov Model, another includes a non-parametric estimation procedure and the third combines features of the other two. The methods are illustrated by monitoring a period of the Swedish industrial production. Evaluation measures that reflect timeliness are used. The effects of smoothing, seasonal variation, autoregression and multivariate issues on methods for timely detection are discussed. 相似文献
49.
Vida Bajc 《Sociological Forum》2013,28(3):615-623
This article initiates a Sociology of Security. Such a field should analyze how conditions transpire for security—however defined—to surface as a value in individual and collective living, how this value comes to be articulated, and how different kinds of individual and collective experiences shape its meaning. In addition, a Sociology of Security should pay attention to how the kinds of individual and collective responses to particular understandings of security, institutions and policies put in place to this end (or lack thereof), and consequences of such practices are shaping the nature of our social world and the aesthetics of our physical environment. Specific focus is on the relationship between security and surveillance. 相似文献
50.
Jessica Megarry 《Feminist Media Studies》2013,13(6):1070-1085
AbstractWhile early internet research often explored social media’s potential for increasing political participation, scholars are now problematising the manifestations of state and corporate control over political activism in these spaces. Yet despite an increased academic focus on the shape and implications of online power relations, there is a noticeable lack of critical theory that considers how strategies of male dominance on social media platforms influence feminist activism. This article conceptualises individual men as monitorial actors invested in surveilling feminist speech online, and brings together literature from within feminist, social movement, and critical internet studies to address this research gap. Situating contemporary feminist activist tactics in relation to second-wave priorities, this article extends current conceptualisations of the dangers of social media surveillance practices for political action. It draws on recent examples of online feminist organising to elucidate the ways in which social media platforms provide men with increased opportunities to surveil feminist activity. The article calls for further research into the ways in which male surveillance practices on social media platforms are shaping women’s ability to organise for social change. 相似文献