《中庸》的多译本解读与译者文化身份认同研究

汉学家的《中庸》译本或享有以经解经的美名,或因用中国哲学话语翻译而著称,都获得了尊重儒学文本的称赞,但细审之下却发现它们在形而上学层面都有背离儒学义理的情形。反观辜鸿铭的翻译,表面上看似偏离了儒学概念内涵,或因直接引用西方思想家的章句而饱受扭曲中国文化之讥,但在儒学义理上却保持了与原文本的一致。这种差异解读可归因于各自的文化认同及其所处的社会历史阶段的共同作用。此外,辜氏用西方话语翻译儒经意在诉诸目标语接受者的文化经验,使儒学义理与目标语接受者产生文化共鸣。这是辜氏对译本目标语文化接受的历史文化关系制约深入思考的结果,有其历史的合理性。     

家庭资本与农村籍学前教育师范生返乡从教意愿的关系：乡土文化认同的中介作用

为考察农村籍学前教育师范生家庭资本、乡土文化认同与返乡从教意愿的关系,研究对江西省赣州市、宜春市两所幼儿师范高等专科学校农村籍学前教育师范生进行问卷调查。经过描述性分析、相关性分析、线性回归分析和中介模型检验,结果表明：乡土文化认同对农村籍学前教育师范生的返乡从教意愿有显著预测作用;家庭资本虽然不能显著的预测返乡从教意愿,但能够通过乡土文化认同的中介作用显著预测返乡从教意愿,即家庭资本水平越高,乡土文化认同越强,返乡从教意愿越强。 关键词：家庭资本;乡土文化认同;返乡从教意愿;中介效应     

清代西南边疆少数民族儒家文化认同研究

清朝作为少数民族政权入主中原,用"华夷一家""天下一统"的政治思想取代传统"华夷之辨""以夷制夷"的治边思想,在西南边疆深入经营治理.面对中央王朝自上而下的治理和教化,西南边疆主动自下而上地回应与向化,并在与中央王朝的博弈与互动中形成了对中华传统文化的主干——儒家文化的认同.研究旨在接续我国当前中华民族共同体意识的铸建,为铸牢中华民族共同体意识提供历史镜鉴和学理支撑.     

清代浙南畲民科举权争取与东南地区的民族融合

清朝统治者为了推行教化、巩固疆域,把少数民族纳入到科举考试行列中,但是居于东南地区汉民腹地的畲民却是经过积极主动争取才获得参与科举考试的权益。较晚定居于东南地区的畲民在对抗当地士人阻考时,多采取呈诉官府、强调族群性以与清朝统治者特殊的族群背景相关照,借助地方官员支持以争取科举权的策略。地方官员为了解决民族纠纷,更好地管理地方社会,强调了“版图之内”的多民族国家认同,促使畲民更好地从制度、文化等多方面融入整个国家体系和地域社会。这一现象深刻地反映了各民族与国家之间的互动关系,在多维度的互动过程中,各民族与国家之间在利益诉求方面实现了统一。     

Re-Figuring Marked Bodies on the Borders: Breast Cancer and “Femininity”

The author discusses writings by Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick, Kathleen Martindale, Audre Lorde, and Barbara Rosenblum on their experiences with breast cancer, and explores their articulations of the impact mastectomy has had on their sense of femininity in relation to their own identities and body images, and in relation to cultural expectations, and how others perceive them. Their identification of the body as socially produced, and as a site of contestation and multiple struggles, offers a strategic site from which to engage with the violent gender-inflected notion of the ideal female body. Themes addressed include: the process of writing embodied experience to make it real, the body's role in the process of identity formation, the culturally constructed significance of appearance to the individual's sense of femininity, the value of the female body in a capitalistic society, and heterosexism in society and in the health care system.     

当代中国青年国家认同感及其影响因素

改革开放以来,中国社会发生了深刻的变化,当代青年的国家认同感因不同影响因素的作用形成了不同的特点.数据结果表明:家庭人均年收入、是否受过高等教育、传统媒介的使用频率对青年的国家认同感有显著影响.其中,家庭人均年收入、受教育水平、传统媒介使用频率与青年的国家认同感呈负相关关系;家庭人均年收入越高、受过高等教育、传统媒介使用频率越高的青年,对国家认同的要求更加严苛.此外,在经济、社会结构和文化这3个因素中,文化因素对青年国家认同感的影响最大.     

空间隔离与农民工城市融入

从空间隔离角度考察对农民工城市融入的影响,结果发现：居住空间隔离、职业空间隔离对农民工的城市融入有显著的负向影响,老一代农民工、中小城市的居住空间隔离效应要大于新生代农民工和大城市,社区空间隔离对农民工城市融入的影响不显著。此外,通过分位数回归发现居住空间隔离对高融入程度的农民工呈显著负向影响,职业空间隔离和社区空间隔离对不同融入程度的农民工均呈显著影响。相应的政策含义是,在促进农民工城市融入过程中,应注重降低农民工与市民的居住空间、职业空间和社区空间隔离,通过空间融合促进城市融入。     

上司示意型知识隐藏的双刃剑效应及其边界条件研究

基于压力认知评价理论,构建了有调节的中介模型以探讨上司示意型知识隐藏影响下属知识隐藏的二元效应及其边界条件。基于两个时间点的团队成员配对数据,采用路径分析对假设模型进行检验。研究结果表明:上司示意型知识隐藏一方面会诱发道德推脱,从而促进下属知识隐藏;一方面也会唤醒关系经营,从而抑制下属知识隐藏;且两种效应与道德认同和权力距离导向的联合调节作用相关。     

The romantic self and the politics of internet commercialization

This essay looks at some examples of ways that certain pre-existing imaginary forms of ‘selfhood’ have been culturally mapped onto historically pivotal moments in the Internet’s development. It focuses less on how technologies have shaped culture than on the reverse: on certain ways that culture has shaped society’s embrace of the Internet. What the Internet is and will come to be, the essay suggests, is partly a matter of who we expect to be when we sit down to use it. Specifically, it looks at two key examples of ways that certain pre-existing imaginary forms of selfhood – ways of understanding oneself as a self – have been culturally mapped onto historically pivotal moments in the Internet’s development: the initial explosion of the Internet in the early 1990s and its supporting ethos exemplified by Wired magazine, and the Open Source Movement in the late 1990s. The essay suggests that significant parts of the culture of computing have been not only individualist, but also composed of two distinct if intertwined strands of individualism, romantic and utilitarian, and that their difference has political significance. Like its ancestor, the 1960s counterculture, the case of the computer culture suggests that romantic individualism stands in a tangential relation to capitalist property relations (and the utilitarian ‘I’ they imply), sometimes working in concert with markets and privatization, as was the case in the early 1990s, and sometimes working to call them into question, as was the case towards the end of the 1990s.     

WHO CAN SPEAK TO RACE AND NATION?

This article examines the production and publication of the Parekh Report (2000) by drawing upon two related current debates – the decline of the public intellectual and the necessity for a public sociology. It argues that both of these debates have failed to engage with concrete examples of public intellectual labour, with the complexities of public communication sociologically and have been reticent as to which particular intellectual voices are able to enter the public sphere. The article argues that the intellectually orientated, multiculturally constituted Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain Commission which authored the report and the report's moment of publication both offer sites in which these critiques can be developed. The article foregrounds the question as to who is entitled to inaugurate, participate in and shape public debates on race, nation, and national identity and evidences the difficulties of attempting to do so in a ‘race volatile’, anti-intellectual and heavily mediated political milieu.