Turkey’s Twitter public diplomacy: Towards a “new” cult of personality

This study examined how Turkey uses social media as a tool for public diplomacy and how the state’s soft-power efforts have recently changed on the global stage. The researchers constructed a dataset of 2769 Twitter posts by the Turkish government’s most influential public diplomacy accounts. The analyses revealed that the focus of Turkey’s Twitter public diplomacy has become concentrated on the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region and is thematically focused on the political values embodied by the Turkish president. The findings suggest that public diplomacy remains to be the diplomacy of the government, not of the public, and social media is used as just another tool for propaganda, not as a means of engagement with foreign publics. Further, the findings indicate the emergence of a “new” cult of personality in public diplomacy and point out the instrumental role of social media in changing the dynamics of leader-follower relationship. The study contributes to public relations theory and practice by advancing the burgeoning public diplomacy scholarship at the intersection of social media and relational approaches.     

Revanchist Masculinity: Gender Attitudes in Sex Work Management

Pimps, or male managers of female sex workers, are commonly represented in popular culture as hypermasculine and as a ubiquitous part of sex work. However, there is little empirical scholarship on pimps or the construction of their masculinity. Drawing on ethnographic and interview data, this article demonstrates how pimps produce a “revanchist masculinity” that seeks to reclaim power from women and establish status over other men. Pimps are suspicious of sex workers’ motives and deny them decision‐making power and profit sharing—processes that highlight how work practices can structure gender identity construction.     

论20世纪70年代初国际石油权力结构的变迁——对“德黑兰协定”和“的黎波里协定”的考察

20世纪70年代的国际石油危机有着深厚的历史根源,它源于国际石油权力结构的急剧变革。60年代后期开始,随着国际石油市场日趋紧张,产油国的地位日益改善,它们从石油公司获得越来越多的石油权力,其中国际石油公司与产油国签订的"德黑兰协定"和"的黎波里协定"发挥了至关重要的作用,是产油国能够针对西方国家使用减产、禁运和提价等石油武器的前提条件。     

Repetitive variable acceptance sampling plan for one-sided specification

In this paper, a variable repetitive group sampling plans based on one-sided process capability indices is proposed to deal with lot sentencing for one-sided specifications. The parameters of the proposed plans are tabulated for some combinations of acceptance quality levels with commonly used producer's risk and consumer's risk. The efficiency of the proposed plan is compared with the Pearn and Wu [Critical acceptance values and sample sizes of a variables sampling plan for very low fraction of defectives. Omega – Int J Manag Sci. 2006;34(1):90–101] plan in terms of sample size and the power curve. One example is given to illustrate the proposed methodology.     

意识形态之争探赜

伴随着阶级和国家的产生,关于意识形态的争论从来没有停止过。意识形态之争的表象是话语权、信奉者和影响力、感召力的争夺;意识形态之争的根基源于意识形态的科学性、传播方式和经济基础;意识形态之争的实质归于阶级和国家利益的维护。当前,认清意识形态争论的表象、阐明意识形态争论的根基、揭示意识形态争论的本质对于我国主流意识形态的建设具有重要意义。     

关于明代廷杖的仪式解读

廷杖是明代帝王对士人的公开处罚,作为帝王报复“犯上”朝臣的残忍攻击和污辱,其目的在于让民众意识到皇权的至高无上、不可侵犯,也是对其他官员和社会民众的恫吓,以儆效尤.若以仪式视角来审视,这种处罚形式承载着维护皇权的政治功能,是朝廷权力走向的一种“控制仪式”;就整个仪式原由和过程来看,廷杖是“重建”受到挑战的皇权的仪式;从仪式的终极性意义来看,廷杖处罚是受杖士人实现其人生终极意义的道德场域.廷杖伴随明朝始终,其最终消逝则反映了明代政治变迁与传统士人处世心态的微妙变化.     

论近代中国士人的首次西游书写

斌椿的日记《乘槎笔记》和诗集《海国胜游草》、《天外归帆草》突破了近代史书写的一贯"以西律中"的现代化话语模式。这一方面可以从满族/中国这一本土坐标看待近代中西交流史的这桩公案;另一方面也可以反思体用二元割裂的思考方式。     

奥巴马政府对朝政策的新理念及其走向

奥巴马政府上台后,其主要致力于应对金融危机和反恐战争.对朝政策上,其在"巧实力"外交理念的指导下,寻求在外交、经济、军事、政治、法律和文化等所有政策工具中选择正确的工具或组合.针对朝核问题的敏感性和脆弱性,奥巴马政府倾向于"冷处理",继而"多管齐下",在合作外交的框架内展开更加灵活的外交活动,促使朝鲜重返六方会谈,继续以对话方式处理相关问题,不过美国也适度增强了对朝鲜的威慑力量,奥巴马政府仍对美朝关系正常化持一种谨慎态度.     

马汉和他的“海权论”

阿尔弗雷德·塞耶·马汉在其代表作《海权对历史的影响，1660—1783}中，奠定了“海权论”的基础：1．海权在一个民族和国家的形成过程中扮演了极其重要的角色；2．海权体系由各机构、设施、商船和海军舰队所组成；3．在国家各种力量中，海军是最重要的力量；4．海军的战略目标是在一场决战中打垮敌方舰队，夺取“制海权”；5．海军是美国争霸世界的基础。     

大学生权力感唤起的ERP研究

心理学研究中的权力被认为是一种权力感。权力感是一种对他人影响的知觉，在这一概念中权力被外部刺激唤起。研究选择行为反应和ERP技术相结合的手段，采用经过评定的、舍有权力意义的动词和名词，唤起参与者的权力感。通过对参与者不同权力感水平下的脑电特点进行分析，探索权力感产生的神经机制，实现了权力感启动效果评估的精确性。研究发现，大学生对权力词汇词性涵义的加工过程迅速、自发，对于早期ERP正成分，名词诱发的EPP波幅比动词更大，EPP潜伏期在右侧额区比左侧额区更短；大学生高低权力词汇唤起的N300和N400波幅存在显著差异，与高权力词汇有关的脑电成分主要在左侧额区被唤起。