全文获取类型
收费全文 | 199篇 |
免费 | 10篇 |
专业分类
管理学 | 33篇 |
民族学 | 4篇 |
人口学 | 20篇 |
理论方法论 | 23篇 |
综合类 | 3篇 |
社会学 | 104篇 |
统计学 | 22篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 5篇 |
2020年 | 8篇 |
2019年 | 13篇 |
2018年 | 14篇 |
2017年 | 13篇 |
2016年 | 6篇 |
2015年 | 8篇 |
2014年 | 9篇 |
2013年 | 31篇 |
2012年 | 21篇 |
2011年 | 9篇 |
2010年 | 7篇 |
2009年 | 3篇 |
2008年 | 5篇 |
2007年 | 6篇 |
2006年 | 6篇 |
2005年 | 2篇 |
2004年 | 6篇 |
2003年 | 4篇 |
2002年 | 5篇 |
2001年 | 3篇 |
1999年 | 1篇 |
1998年 | 3篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1994年 | 2篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 2篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
1986年 | 1篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 3篇 |
1977年 | 2篇 |
1976年 | 2篇 |
1973年 | 1篇 |
1972年 | 1篇 |
1967年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有209条查询结果,搜索用时 921 毫秒
1.
2.
3.
Brendan Maguire 《Sociological spectrum》2013,33(3-4):249-271
The 1800s marked the early development of a new approach to child welfare in the United States. Beginning with the house of refuge movement (1820s) and culminating with the creation of the juvenile court (1899), this developmental period has been traditionally praised as an age of humanitarian reform. Sociological research has suggested, however, that the creation of the juvenile court served mainly as a new form of social control designed to protect the power and privilege of the middle and upper classes while furthering the exploitation of the lower class. Unfortunately this research has treated only the reforms of the middle to late 1800s. The present study seeks to contribute to this literature by illuminating the early reforms. More specifically, an examination of the New York, Boston, and Philadelphia houses of refuge reveals that the exploitation thesis provides a more complete explanation of the emergence of these houses than does the humanitarian position. 相似文献
4.
Inequality indexes have long been used to analyze distributions of income. Studies have recently begun to use these tools to evaluate the equity of distributions of environmental harm. In response, issues have been raised regarding the appropriateness of using income-based measures in the context of undesirable outcomes. We begin from first principles, identifying a theoretical preference structure under which income-based tools can be appropriate for ranking distributions of “bads.” While some critiques of existing applications are valid, they are not a justification for rejecting the approach altogether. Instead, we show how standard income-based measures can be adjusted to accommodate bad outcomes. Rather than inequality indexes, we argue that equally distributed equivalents (EDEs) are well-suited for this purpose since they account for levels and dispersion of outcome distributions. The Kolm–Pollak EDE is particularly useful, having the advantage of consistently evaluating both bads and their complementary goods (e.g., mortality risk and survival probability). As an illustration, we show how these tools can inform an environmental justice analysis of a proposed Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) rule addressing indoor air pollution. 相似文献
5.
6.
7.
8.
Helena Zeweri 《International Feminist Journal of Politics》2017,19(4):441-455
This article analyzes how the category of “Afghan women” and discourses of precarity intersect within the women’s empowerment regime in Afghanistan. By examining an NGO that seeks to empower women through writing, I argue that staff members draw upon precarity as a go-to logic to describe the state of Afghan women writers’ successes under conditions of insecurity and limited communication. Specifically, it is writers’ desires to subvert their social orders and to carve out their own futures that staff members and writing coordinators frame as subject to potential destruction. While recent work has highlighted the importance of recognizing the precarious lifeworlds of vulnerable populations, this article points to the potential implications of a hyper-recognition of precarity – namely, the obscuring of the complexities of individual women’s past and present realities. Through analyzing the pedagogies of one empowerment NGO working with women in a post-9/11 Afghanistan, I show how the logic of precarity is concerned with the vulnerability of women’s desires and sentiments, rather than their material and political vulnerabilities. It is thus deeply inflected by a historically situated “common sense” about which potentialities and aspirations are inherent to Afghan women. 相似文献
9.
10.