Corporate social responsibility: an assessment of the enlightened self-interest model

Much recent discussion of corporate social responsibility has concerned operationality. Many activities subsumed under corporate social responsibility can be shown to be public or partially public goods. The theory of public goods can clarify and explain some complex problems of operationalizing the social responsibility doctrine. An examination of philanthropy provides some behavioral applications.     

Franz Oppenheimer (1926), Die soziologische Staatsidee. (Die Eroberung) [The Sociological Idea of the State (The Conquest)]

F. Oppenheimer's System der Soziologie is a multivolume publication that contains a general sociology as a common basis for all social sciences; a theory of development; as well as specialized sociologies: sociology of the economy, of law, of the state, etc. Oppenheimer conceived sociology as a historically grounded universal science. Ibn Khaldun came into play in relationship with Oppenheimer's state theory. His approach directly built on Gumplowicz's “sociological state theory”. An overview on Oppenheimer's works shows that Ibn Khaldun was by no means the starting point of theorization on the state. We do not find any reference to him in an earlier publication, Der Staat (1912), that already contained the full elaboration of Oppenheimer's theory. Nevertheless, his reception of Ibn Khaldun is important: Ibn Khaldun was mobilized within the framework of a scholarly debate that was ongoing amongst European sociologists at the time, and whose key representative, Ludwig Gumplowicz, contributed significantly to his reception in the concerned period. In this context, Oppenheimer did not merely mention Ibn Khaldun in an encyclopaedic endeavor to present a complete overview on “precursors” of sociology, but as a representative and contributor to a theoretical approach which, Oppenheimer believed, they both shared.     

Screening for Chlamydia trachomatis in college women on routine gynecological exams.

Chlamydia trachomatis infection poses a serious threat to sexually active college women. Past research has demonstrated the difficulty of predicting infection on the basis of symptoms or physical exam. Recent studies highlight the prevalence of asymptomatic chlamydia infections. This study presents the results of screening 2,303 women for chlamydia infection on routine annual gynecological examinations at a college health center during a 22-month period. A prevalence of 6% was found. The study also assessed the differences between the 140 women identified as chlamydia positive and a control sample of 140 women who were chlamydia negative. The authors compared groups for signs and symptoms that might predict infection, but found no useful predictors. In fact, 79% of the patients who tested positive had no symptoms, and 58% of these had no signs, symptoms, or concurrent infections. Routine screening of women on annual gynecological exam is necessary to bring the chlamydia epidemic under control, the authors conclude.     

Post-Fascists: Putting the So-Called “Populist Right” into Historical Perspective

Authoritarians are back: Demanding the restoration of community against formalized society and of tradition against the stranger; asking for strong states enforcing law and order, closing borders, preventing dark men from threatening white women; defending traditional family models against individualism and gender-pluralism; claiming to represent “the people.” Today many denounce them as “Fascists!”. This article tries to conceptually capture the recent developments in two countries, France and Germany. In both cases, a diachronic comparison seems tempting. Are the '30s ahead of us? What is the extent and what is the impact of the fascist legacy today? The comparison in this article is based on Mann's book “Fascists” (2004). The paper argues that while the current far-right cannot be considered fascist anymore and resembles interwar fascism only remotely, we have to consider it post-fascist. If interwar fascism is largely explicable out of a context of multilevel crises to which it provided answers that many found convincing, I conclude that the current strength of the German and French far-right does happen in a rather moderate crisis context to which it provides some answers.