西北回族"复合型经济"与宏观地缘构造的理论分析

本文以历史与现实、微观与宏观、区域与整体贯通一致的系统视角,尝试构建西北回族的整体性理论,提出"复合型经济"模式,并从"三块高原-两种经济类型"与"茶马互市"地理布点相吻合的关系,以及从"弱商业联系"到"强商业联系"的演进过程,解释了回族经济的特点与原因,揭示现象背后复杂深刻的规律,并对回族生存过程中与外部发生的重要关系问题提出新的解说.     

元史及北方民族史专家邱树森

1937年8月邱树森教授出生于江苏省苏州市。1955年他以优异的成绩毕业于苏州高级中学,考入南京大学历史系。1959年大学毕生后,即被著名的元史专家韩儒林教授选为研究生。从此,他把蒙元史研究当作自己毕业的事业。早在研究生期间,他因发表了《试论张士诚起义》一文而受史学界瞩目。江苏人民出版社为此约请他撰写了《张士诚》一书,1962年出版后,该书即在苏北各     

简论维吾尔族的历史迁移和文化演变

维吾尔民族在形成的历史过程中,经历了氏族、部落、部落联盟、汗国解体到大迁移和文化重塑的过程,这个漫长经历即是现代维吾尔的“民族过程”.因而,描述其族体迁移和经济文化演变具有历史和现实意义.一788年,回纥可汗合骨咄禄请求唐朝允许改称回鹘(取回旋轻捷如鹘意).回鹘之前的历史可溯至春秋时北狄、秦汉之际的丁零.活动在今苏联贝加尔湖一带.五六世纪间,铁     

回族的饮茶习俗与茶文化解读

回族饮茶历史源远流长,饮茶在各地回族带有普遍性,本文对此现象,用回族茶文化概念,探索回族茶文化的差异性与共同性。首先采用文化人类学中“文化丛”研究分析方法,在民族志基础上进行资料再发现,对茶文化基本“要素”重新分类,试图建立回族茶文化的内容、特点等基本知识。然后引入现代人类学的视角,着重从茶在回族社会生活中的礼仪所包含...     

人类学的香料研究与“客体叙事”

Spice is not an object of narration in classical anthropology. In anthropological works, such as Edward Burnett Taylor’s Anthropol￣ogy and Julius E. Lips’ The Origin of Things, studies on material culture mainly focus on the bas￣ic necessities of daily life, like clothing, houses, movement,and utensils which embody humankind’s thoughts, technology and clusters of traditions and customs as cultural carriers. In these studies, food and spice are always understated, if mentioned at all. The return of spice to the foreground of anthro￣pological knowledge seems to signal a formal return to the narrative objects found in classical anthro￣pology. The objects, however, are totally differ￣ent. Moving from conspicuous large-scale objects in the field and life, the focus is on minimalist ob￣jects such as spice. Spice, sugar, tea, coffee, chocolate, salt and other such things have become the objects of narrative in anthropology. This change continues the objective of plain subject in the discipline. This return to heritage, intensifies and surpasses the classical themes of anthropology. It is all about building the Noah’s Ark for anthropology’s returning home.
Traditional anthropologists firmly defended fo￣cus on “the pure, primitive ethnic group”. They never considered their own western world as the object of fieldwork. In the beginning, anthropolo￣gists upheld the theoretical ideal of the uniformity of ethnic groups. However, practically, they drew a distinct line between the primitive “other” and their own groups ( themselves) . If anthropoplogy is trying to do reflexive research, then, the commonly-used material objects in daily life are the best ones for self -reflexive observation. Whereupon,“eating” becomes a common divisor of human’s u￣niformity. Food systems, like language or the other acquired behaviors, not only reflect diversities in uniformity , but also locates in the core of self-de￣fining conception ( S. W. Mintz, Chinese Ver￣sion, 2010,3). Spice, sugar, tea, coffee, choco￣late, salt and other such minimalist objects provide a mirror for the Western anthropologists to engage in self -reflection and inward self -gazing, and also to reflect on the interactivity of emic -etic. The desire, motivation, event, symbol, change and influence hidden in the modernization of west￣ern society are reflected. This kind of research also unpacks the process of food supply from the “oth￣er” before our eyes, and weaves the world into an interdependent and distinctive network through the dual change between “self” and the “other”.
Following the “thread” of “eating” has be￣come a growing trend for engaging in self-reflec￣tion, and returning home. An increasing number of anthropologists are engaging in this trend and mak￣ing significant achievements. Mintz, Turner, and Rain are influential representatives.
Spice, as an element of food, is quite subtle. If these anthropological works are merely consid￣ered as the “texts” of food anthropology, then, it is misleading. If viewed intuitively, the category of spice is quitebroad. Daily seasoning, adventurous seasoning, and traditional aromatics are all conclu￣ded in this category, as well as sugar, salt, cof￣fee, chocolate and tea. The types and classes are numerous and complex. These spices play various roles beyond the food and cuisine systems in the world, permeating into the relevant social and cul￣tural fields, and reflect cultural phenomena and in￣trinsic meaning. Compared with the macro objects in material culture, spice, like the atom in phys￣ics, is a component of material culture. By stud￣ying the minimalist elements of material culture, we can uncover the universality of humanity, pro￣vide better explanations for group differences, and achieve an ideal link and interaction between the differences and similarities. Disassembling the a￣tomic symbols, together with the reference of“oth￣erness”, Western society is well situated in the field to complete its self re -exploration and cul￣tural writings ( S. W. Mintz, Chinese Version, 2010, 210). By playing a narrative role, the sub￣tle pieces of spice deliver profound and significant meaning . This attempt is brand new for anthropolo￣gy. Its academic purport goes far beyond the field of food anthropology.
Among these texts in which spice is used as a narrative object, a mixed research method is main￣ly adopted. Fieldwork is essential. It is important to make investigations of spice in the field, and to gather first-hand observations. Collecting histori￣
cal references and doing a literature review are also necessary . Documents, personal notes and dairies, and relevant references should be collected and processed. From the academic point of view, it has obvious cross - disciplinary characteristics. Not only is anthropological training needed, but also a rich knowledge of various disciplines such as histo￣ry, international trade, botany, perfume, and chemistry. Compared with some anthropologists who sit in rocking chairs, and others who work in the field, the narration of spice is a much tougher task. In these above instances, after one year of fieldwork, an ethnography can be written and pub￣lished quickly. However, it took Mintz 30 years to conceive and produce his ethnography on sugar. This striking contrast reveals the great difficulties and challenges the research encountered.
There are three kinds of contexts contained in writing this kind of narrative. The first one is “a￣tomic” context. It takes spice as the essential com￣ponent of the established culture of material, spirit and institution, and attempts to discover the way different ethnic groups mould their concept of group values and behavior. It is also the process of moulding the nation-ness of ethnic groups which is linked with the holistic structure of the groups. Spice experiences diving from the luxuries confined to kings and great noblemen to the common daily consumption of the middle class and underclass. When items which were once luxuries become daily supply, national tastes and living styles will form or change. The next is the “radial” context. The multiple-uses of aromatics, which are given fresh meaning in the process of their use, turn into sym￣bols. In the sacrificial rituals of ancient civiliza￣tions which used aromatics, the fragrant spices symbolized the concept of “attracting and appeal￣ing to the gods, and expelling evil spirits” ( J. Turner, Chinese Version, 2007,p. 274). In the medical context, spices could maintain health, prevent plague and treat disease. The culinary spices represented communication and identity of the rich and politically connected, and illustrated their control and power over other classes ( S. W. Mintz,Chinese Version, 2010,p. 101). The pre￣servative function of spices was not only used in food preservation, but also used as one of the ma￣terials for mummifying the pharaohs. The function of beauty and cleaning reveals their lifestyle. The different fragrances used by the sexes illustrate their stimulation and enhancement for reproduc￣tion. ( P. Rain, Chinese Version, 2007, p. 30&43). Spice, as a cultural symbol, radiates ( ex￣tends) into multiple fields, and presents the pat￣terns of thinking of certain ethnic groups. The last one is a context of concatenation. Spice is an ever flowing and changing material object. The fluidity of spice stems from its rareness, remoteness, and high price. The pursuit of aromatics developed into a worldwide spice trade. But the spice trade did not change the taste of different people radically. During the establishment of the modern world sys￣tem, spice brought about great change not only of the production pattern, but also the western lifes￣tyle. In this process, the production of spice, sug￣ar, tea and so on, the trade, the consumption of these daily supplies is linked together through a network. A series of events such as the great mari￣time expansion, colonial expansion, the slave trade and plantation economy, the alternation of the world hegemony, and the bulk agricultural trade are woven into this interconnected context. The interactive causality of the evolution of culture is the needle of linkage, and is the mirror image of the tandem structure as well.
This triple context organizes the micro-scale object, medium-scale society and the larger scale macro world into one text. It focuses on the core object of the Western society itself, ultimately im￣plements the mutual reflection of “micro spice”and the “macro world, and completes the “self-observation” of western society.     

甘南州藏传佛教现状的调查

一.引言 甘南藏族自治州位于甘肃省西南部。全州地形起伏和缓,多洼地、草滩,部分地区有沼泽。因地势高寒,这里气候寒冷湿润,无霜期短,农耕受限制,但牧草丰茂,畜牧业发达。甘南地区古代居民复杂,藏族大约在唐朝及以后陆续迁入,逐渐使整个地区接受西藏文化。甘南州现为多民族聚居区,除主体民族藏族外,还有汉、回、蒙、东乡、保安等族。据第三次人口普查,有人口五十一万五千四百三十人,其中藏族二十三万零五百三十六人,占全州人口的百分之四十七点七。     

场景、分类与符号转换:回族油香的人类学阐释

选择日常生活礼仪和宗教仪式中不可或缺的油香为对象,以符号学和象征人类学为视角.对油香文化符号及其复杂含义进行解读,提出油香文化四种场景和符号的多重"二元组合"结构观点.在第二个"二元结构"中,通过"符号转换",油香跨越文化知识圈层,转写成被相异文化阅读的"文本"或"符号",从而潜藏进文化"区隔"的标识含义.这对于"深描"回族日常生活礼仪的文化内涵,阐释回族文化跨越多向神圣与世俗两翼却不出现内在、外在文化焦虑,凸显回族文化价值奥秘,进而揭示"我群"与"他群"既有界限又能共享的文化深层理性.     

“识宝回回”传说探研

在瑰丽多彩的中国传说故事中，有朵殊异之葩──回回识宝传说。她起源于“西域人识宝”，远在汉唐之际就已经产生，流传并被记录下来，展示着我国与阿拉伯──中亚地区密切的商业、文化交流盛况。一千多年来，外国人识宝传说在我国民间文学的沃野中不断地流移、载录，虽然具有或大或小的变形，但这类传说仍流存至今。“识宝回回”是汉唐之后外国人识宝故事的延续，因她凝聚有回回民族形成过程中的某种信息，而具有独特的时代色彩和社会背景，是一种“具有相当文化史价值的艺术文献”①。因此，对“识宝回回”传说的收集、研究，就有某种历史…     

民族地区脱贫致富的困惑与出路——迭部县旺藏乡社会经济调查研究

旺藏乡地处甘南藏族自治州迭部县中部。北与卓尼相界、南与四川阿坝洲相邻。清澈婉延的白龙江水流贯西东,两岸起伏的山岭上,布满苍松翠柏。资源十分丰富。该乡平均海拔1.950米,平均气温7.5C°,无霜期148天,年降雨量754毫米。全乡总面积350平方公里,森林覆盖面积22.894公顷。草山11.610公顷,总耕地面积8.701亩。 全乡有5个村委会,16个自然村(村民小组),576户,3225人。除乡上少数干部和部分教师外,全部是藏族。     

论中国与中亚地区穆斯林 民俗文化交流的特质与路径 ——基于“一带一路”战略背景的分析研究

在穆斯林文化发展的中心地带,民俗文化内容中蕴含的民族气息相当浓厚,并呈现出由中心向外扩散的态势。从跨文化交流的视角来审视,穆斯林民俗文化在历史发展过程中的传承与传播,大多是以穆斯林内在相通的文化特质和情感基因为根基的。纵观中国与中亚穆斯林民俗文化的历史积淀和现实条件,在“一带一路”建设的进程中,穆斯林民俗文化内隐着确定的文化价值主题,各种穆斯林民俗文化交流都承载着“多元共生”的朴素文化思想,应该积极创造条件搭建中国与中亚民俗文化深度交流的和谐舞台,从而达到营造多元文化共生的局面,构建“为己”和“为他”的跨文化交流双向驱动模式。