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Richard Eckersley 《Social indicators research》2009,94(1):1-12
This article focuses on the contributions and, importantly, the limitations of subjective wellbeing (happiness/satisfaction)
measures as indicators of broad population wellbeing and societal functioning. The popular practice of comparing happiness
among countries gives a skewed view of how well their people are faring. Charting trends over time in happiness and mental
health gives contradictory pictures of population wellbeing; even the responses to different questions within the same survey
can yield very different findings. Asking people about their own lives and about social conditions produces contrasting results.
These issues challenge the orthodox model of human development, which places Western liberal democracies at its leading edge.
According to an alternative, psychosocial-dynamics, model, some, at least, may be societies in decline. Reconciling these
views is no simple matter. 相似文献
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Social Indicators Research - Global politics is based on an outmoded and increasingly destructive model of human progress and development. Can science change a dire situation? 相似文献
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Developing a National Index of Subjective Wellbeing: The Australian Unity Wellbeing Index 总被引:9,自引:2,他引:9
Cummins Robert A. Eckersley Richard Pallant Julie van Vugt Jackie Misajon RoseAnne 《Social indicators research》2003,64(2):159-190
The Australian Unity Wellbeing Index has beendesigned as a new barometer of Australians'satisfaction with their lives, and life inAustralia. It is based on, and develops, thetheoretical model of subjective wellbeinghomeostasis. The Index comprises two sub-scalesof Personal and National Wellbeing. Data werecollected through a nationally representativesample of 2,000 people in April/May 2001.Factor analysis confirmed the integrity of thetwo sub-scales and, confirming empiricalexpectation, the average level of lifesatisfaction was 75.5 percent of the scalemaximum score. Group comparisons revealed thatall age groups maintained their Personal Indexscore within the normal range. In addition,people in country areas were more satisfiedwith their personal lives than city-dwellers,but less satisfied about the nationalsituation, and people who had recentlyexperienced a strong positive event evidenced arise in wellbeing, whereas those who hadexperienced a strong negative event evidencedwellbeing in the low-normal range. It is arguedthat these data generally support homeostatictheory. However, an unusual result was thatfemales were more satisfied with their ownlives than males. A tentative argument isadvanced that this may represent aconstitutional difference. It is concluded thatthe Australian Unity Wellbeing Index haspotential as a valid, reliable and sensitiveinstrument to monitor national wellbeing. 相似文献
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Richard Eckersley 《Social indicators research》2013,112(3):529-534
A new paper presents a strong case for life satisfaction scales (Diener et al. in Soc Indic Res, 2012). However, it underestimates two important weaknesses in subjective wellbeing (SWB) measures: the contrast between individual satisfaction and social discontent; and the contradictory evidence on the benefits of personal freedom. This commentary argues that SWB, like other conventional indicators, is measuring Westernization or modernization, rather than improved quality of life or human progress and development. The concepts may overlap, but they are not the same thing. At best, the qualities being measured may be desirable, even necessary, but are not sufficient. At worst, the benefits of modernization are being counted, but not its costs, which are substantial and increasing. 相似文献
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The equation of `more with `better – ofstandard of living with quality of life – is at theheart of a growing international debate aboutindicators of progress. At one level, the debate isabout the adequacy of GDP (Gross Domestic Product) asthe dominant indicator of national performance. However, the debate also reaches far beyond thisquestion to challenge conventional thinking aboutprogress. Quality of life includes both objective andsubjective elements, so indicators of progress shouldinclude measures of how people feel about their lives.Drawing mainly on Australian data – but also on USand international studies – this analysis examines anddifferentiates between subjective measures of personal and social quality of life, anddiscusses their use in evaluating whether life isgetting better – or worse. 相似文献
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Peter Eckersley 《Policy Studies》2017,38(1):76-90
This article presents a new and innovative framework to help analyse policy-making and depoliticisation within subnational governance arrangements. By focusing on the capacity (not the autonomy) of subnational governments to achieve their political objectives, and incorporating external actors along both the vertical and horizontal dimensions, it provides a dynamic tool to understand the extent to which municipal governments influence local policy-making processes. Furthermore, it stresses that greater ‘localism’ (or independence) between vertical tiers of government is likely to weaken subnational bodies and result in them becoming more interdependent with (or even dependent on) horizontal non-state actors within the locality. This would weaken their position in local governance arrangements and exacerbate the depoliticised nature of decision-making. 相似文献
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Robyn Eckersley 《Theory and Society》1990,19(6):739-776
Conclusion My principal ecocentric objection to Habermas's social and political theory has been that it is thoroughly human-centered in insisting that the emancipation of human relations need not require or depend upon the emancipation of nature. Although Habermas has moved beyond the pessimism and utopianism of the first generation of Critical Theorists by providing the conceptual foundations of the practical and emancipatory cognitive interests, he has, as Whitebook points out, also markedly altered the spirit of their project. Yet it is precisely the spirit of the early Frankfurt school theorists, namely, its critique of the dominant imperialist orientation toward the world (rather than its critique of a simplistically conceived idea of science) and its desire for the liberation of nature, that is most relevant to - and provides the most enduring Western Marxist link with - the ecocentric perspective of the radical Greens.
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