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Peltzman [Peltzman, S., 1984. Constituent interest and congressional voting. Journal of Law and Economics 27, 181–210] argues that if constituents’ economic interests have well-defined “winners and losers” and are appropriately measured, then constituents’ economic interests, and not legislator ideology, are the most important determinates of legislator voting. We test Peltzman's theory by examining senatorial voting on three mandated spending limitation bills. We find, consistent with Peltzman's theory, that the ratio of federal spending in a senator's state to federal taxes paid by that state, and not a senator's personal ideology, matters on legislation where there are well-defined economic “winners and losers.” This is particularly important because unlike other constituents’ economic interest measures that only impact a fraction of the constituency, the ratio of federal spending to federal taxes in a state represents the economic interests of all the constituents in a state.  相似文献   
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This study empirically examines whether restrictive state abortion laws have an impact on the number of abortion providers over the period 1982–2005. The empirical results find that medicaid funding restrictions, parental involvement laws and targeted regulation of abortion providers (TRAP laws) annual licensing fees significantly deter physicians or organizations from becoming or remaining abortion providers. The numerical impact of a Medicaid funding restriction, parental involvement law and a TRAP licensing fee is to reduce the number of abortion providers per 100,000 pregnancies by 12.8, 19.6 and 15.5, respectively, as compared to states without these restrictive abortion laws. The empirical results also show that parental notification laws have a significantly larger negative impact on the number of abortion providers than parental consent laws.  相似文献   
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This paper empirically examines the question: Do the direct (price) and indirect (restrictive abortion laws) costs of obtaining an abortion have an impact on the likelihood of women becoming pregnant? Using the economic model of fertility control, the empirical results find that increases in the real price of obtaining an abortion cause a statistically and numerically significant decrease in the pregnancy rate of all women of childbearing age (15–44 years) and teens (ages 15–19). A state parental involvement law is also found to decrease the pregnancy rate of all women of childbearing age and an even numerically larger decrease for teens. A state Medicaid funding restriction of abortion, waiting period law, and mandatory counseling law do not have a statistically significant impact on the pregnancy rate of either group. Taken together the empirical results are consistent with the hypothesis that women's sexual behavior is influenced by the direct and indirect cost of obtaining an abortion.  相似文献   
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Prior research has consistently found that state laws which restrict the access and the availability of abortion services directly reduce abortion demand. This study examines whether these laws also have a spillover effect on abortion demand due to the increase in the price of an abortion that may result from the higher costs imposed on abortion providers as a result of complying with these laws. The empirical results find that the enforcement of a parental notification law and a mandatory counseling law causes an increase in the price charged by abortion providers by over 13% and 9%, respectively. Based on previous estimates of the price elasticity of abortion demand, this implies that the spillover effect of a parental notification law and a mandatory counseling law is to reduce the demand for abortion, through their increase on the price of an abortion, by between 9.4% and 13.6% for a parental notification law and between 6.5% and 9.4% for a mandatory counseling law.
Marshall H. MedoffEmail:
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This study uses an economic model of fertility control to estimate the demand for abortions. The results show that the fundamental law of demand holds for abortions, with the price elasticity of demand equal to –.81. Abortions are a normal good with an income elasticity of demand equal to .79. The demand for abortions is also positively related to the labor force participation of women and to being unmarried. Catholic religion, education and the poverty status of women were found to have no statistically significant impact on the demand for abortions.  相似文献   
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Using variables that represent a legislator's entire legal constituency, previous research by social scientists has concluded that views of the legislator's constituency have little effect on how legislators vote. This question is reexamined by defining constituency as those voters most likely to vote for the legislator (i.e., members of the legislator's own political party and independents). Furthermore, instead of measuring constituency by either a demographic or vote-based measure, a survey measure of the ideological identification of voters (i.e., the voter's self-identification as liberal, moderate, or conservative) is introduced. It is found that the ideology of a senator's electoral constituency was an important factor on the recent U.S. Senate vote to ban 19 semi-automatic assault weapons. The findings have important implications for how social scientists conceptualize and measure constituency.  相似文献   
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This study estimates the demand for abortion in the United States using state data pooled over years 1992 and 1982. The empirical results showed that the price elasticity of abortion demand ranged from -0.70 to -0.99 and an income elasticity between 0.27 and 0.35. The demand for abortion was found (1) not to be statistically related to a woman's educational level; (2) to be higher the greater a state's taste for abortion; (3) coincident with the business cycle; and (4) not to be related to the level of a state's welfare payment.  相似文献   
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This study examined gambling behavior in the context of a newly opening casino, comparing disordered gamblers to non-disordered gamblers, in a population of individuals involved in methadone maintenance treatment. Disordered gamblers (N = 50) and non-disordered gamblers (N = 50) were surveyed before and after the opening of a new casino on gambling behaviors, substance use, and psychological symptoms. No statistically significant changes in gambling behaviors were observed for disordered gamblers or non-disordered gamblers across time points; however, non-disordered gamblers demonstrated non-significant increases in horse and dog race betting, electronic games, and casino table games. As expected, disordered gamblers were found to spend significantly more money on electronic games and casino table games (p < 0.05) and demonstrated higher rates of drug use and impulsivity than non-disordered gamblers. The introduction of a new casino did not appear to have a major impact on gambling behaviors of individuals attending methadone maintenance treatment, though the non-significant increases in gambling among non-disordered gamblers may indicate that this population is preferentially impacted by the opening of a new casino. Future investigation into the longer term effects of opening a new casino on this population may be warranted.  相似文献   
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