Reviews

Robert Brentano, Rome Before Avignon. A Social History of Thirteenth‐Century Rome (1974), xiv+340 (Longman, £5.95).

Margaret Spufford, Contrasting Communities. English Villagers in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (1974), xxiii+374 (Cambridge University Press, £7.70).

Peter Burke, Venice and Amsterdam. A Study of Seventeenth‐Century Elites (1974), 154+8 illustrations (Temple Smith, £2.75).

Paul Boyer and Stephen Nissenbaum, Salem Possessed. The Social Origins of Witchcraft (1974), xxi+231 (Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, £5).

Duncan J. MacLeod, Slavery, Race and the American Revolution (1975), vi+249 (Cambridge University Press, £5.50, paperback £2.25).

David Brion Davis, The Problem of Slavery in the Age of Revolution: 1770–1823 (1975), 576 (Cornell University Press, Ithaca, £9.60).

Edward Shorter and Charles Tilly, Strikes in France 1830–1968 (1974), xxiii+428 (Cambridge University Press, £9.50).

Tom G. Kessinger, Vilyatpur 1848–1968: Social and Economic Change in a North Indian Village (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London, 1974), xiii+227 (University of California Press, $12.00).

Leonore Davidoff, The Best Circles: Society, Etiquette and the Season (1973), 127+44 illustrations (Croom Helm, £3.50).

Joan Wallach Scott, The Glassworkers of Carmaux: French Craftsmen and Political Action in a Nineteenth‐Century City (1974), xiv+239 (Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, £5.00).

E. D. Steele, Irish Land and British Politics: Tenant Right and Nationality, 1865–1870 (1974), x+367 (Cambridge University Press, £6.40).

Stefano Merli, Proletariato di Fabbrica e Capitalismo Industriale. Il Caso Italiano: 1880–1900(1973). Vol. I, vi+858; Vol. II, xxxviii+870 (Florence: La Nuova Italia; Vol. I, lire 8000; Vol. II, lire 8000).

Roger Pethybridge, The Social Prelude to Stalinism (1974), 343 (Macmillan, £7.00).     

The japanese americans: Comparative occupational status, 1960 and 1950

This paper uses 1950 and 1960 census data on the demographic, educational, and occupational distributions of Japanese Americans, after the enforced migrations of the Second World War, in order to compare the achievement of the urban Japanese Americans to that of their white counterparts.First, the data show that the Japanese-American population has increased in all regions of the nation, especially in the representative West (from 71 percent in 1950 to 82 percent in 1960). Second, educational attainment, which was about equal to that of whites in 1950, was better for males, and increasing at a faster rate or better for females, in 1960. Third, while in 1950 the differences in the occupational distributions of Japanese Americans and whites showed concentrations unfavorable to overall Japanese-American occupational structure, by 1960 the Japanese Americans had approached the levels of the white majority.The data, then, permit the author to conclude that if "minority" means full exclusion from participation in the life of society, the Japanese Americans cannot be called a minority. In conclusion, the author suggests that it would be useful to investigate the migration patterns of the Japanese Americans, for if redistribution has resulted in integration, will integration promote greater mobility to attain better integration?