An Existential Approach to Risk Perception

Existential, or existential-phenomenological philosophical approaches to the social psychology of risk perception provide a novel framework for understanding issues that are common to all humanity, such as fear of death, freedom and responsibility, isolation and meaninglessness, as these anxieties are a function of existing, or being-in-the-world. These fundamental anxieties can be related theoretically to the ways people perceive risks within social and cultural milieus, and can also be used practically within case studies, as demonstrated in the three examples presented, which examine perceptions of climate change, food-related risks, and environmental awareness via a mixture of quantitative and qualitative techniques. The discussion focuses on the possible insights that can be gained from taking an existential perspective on risk perception, and relates notions of contemporary technologically-oriented societies to the existential challenges faced by individuals and societies in the contemporary world.     

THE MEANING OF OCCUPATIONAL PRESTIGE SCORES:

This research reexamines the meaning of occupational prestige scores from the social psychological perspective of identity theory. Using comparable data for Canada and the United States, it analyzes the degree to which the education and income levels of occupations influence occupational prestige judgements by evoking affective associations (feelings about the goodness, powerfulness, and liveliness of occupational identities), as well as the extent to which these social sentiments are independent determinants of prestige. There has been a longstanding controversy about the normative content of occupational prestige scores. We find that moral worthiness (as measured by the Evaluation dimension of the semantic differential) is a determinant of the prestige of occupations with low and middle but not high levels of education and income. We also find that the impact of education on prestige scores is direct and cognitive, while a considerable proportion of the total effect of income is processed through feelings about the potency of occupations. The results for the two countries are very similar. One exception is that moral worthiness is a more important determinant of prestige in the United States than in Canada. We connect this finding to the literature comparing value differences between the two countries.     

Effects of neuroticism,extraversion, circadian type and age on reported driver stress

Studies have examined effects of various personality variables, including extraversion and neuroticism, as well as age, on driver stress. However, the effect of the morningness-eveningness dimension (circadian type) on reported driver stress among commuters has not been investigated. This study aimed to assess the influence of circadian type as well as extraversion, neuroticism and age on driver stress. Participants were 101 Australian university administrative staff who completed the Eysenck Personality Questionnaire-Revised, the Morningness-Eveningness Questionnaire, and also morning and evening driving diaries as a state measure of driver stress each weekday for one week. Two standard multiple regressions assessed whether neuroticism, extraversion, circadian type and age predicted reported driver stress for morning and evening drives. Neuroticism, circadian type, and age predicted reported driver stress in the mornings but age mainly predicted driver stress in the evenings. A repeated measures ANOVA isolated differences between circadian types for weekday mornings and evenings. Reported driver stress differed for day of week and time of day according to circadian type. The three-way interaction suggested that driver stress is influenced by circadian type and that factors influence driver stress differentially between mornings and evenings. Circadian type appears to influence when driver stress affects individuals.     

Calm,cool, and collected: Canadian multiculturalism (domestic globalism) through a Cold War lens

The Canadian government adopted a multicultural policy in 1971, complicating the binary of ‘two founding peoples’ by acknowledging the diversity of its settler populations. This redefinition took place against the backdrop of the Cold War in which Canada was a strategically located junior partner in the Western alliance. This article draws parallels between photographic representations of Canadian diversity and the photographic culture of the Cold War as complementary programmes of nation-building and national defence. The study focuses mainly on the activities of the Still Photography Division of the National Film Board of Canada in its coincident evolution from a government information agency to a proto-museum with a mandate to collect and circulate Canadian contemporary photography. A curious mixture of communitarian ideals, countercultural impulses, and institutional ambitions is displayed across a number of documentary projects. The power of photography as a silent language is put into question by a modest compilation of words and images that situates both global and local uncertainties in a Winnipeg grocery store.     

Involvement with unions,union belief perspectives,and desires for union membership

This article addresses two theoretical problems associated with models of desires for union membership. First, does union involvement influence desires for membership by (1) locating unions in the routines of everyday life and thus engendering habitual desires for membership or (2) by shaping general beliefs about unions and, thus, creating ideological desires for membership? This study of the working class in Hamilton, Ontario supports both explanations, although the path of influence through beliefs is stronger. Second, why do a number of general union beliefs have net effects on desires for membership? This study finds that different types of beliefs are salient for different groups of workers. Therefore, a wide range of general beliefs must be considered if the desires for union membership of a diverse population are to be adequately predicted.     

Pro‐family Organizations in Calgary, 1998: Beliefs,Interconnections and Allies*

Dans cet article, nous comparons les convictions des différents groupes pro‐famille de Calgary et nous préscntons la structure des liens qui unissent ces groupes. Les données, recueillies en 1998, proviennent de documents et d'entretiens semi‐structurés avec les chefs de file de ces groupes. Nous abordons ici trois problèmes de recherche. Tout d'abord, nous examinons la teneur des relations entre groupes pro‐famille et pro‐vie. Tous les groupes pro‐famille, même ceux qui se prononcent résolument contre l'avortement, se dis‐tinguent des groupes pro‐vie sur le plan tant organisational que politique. Ensuite, nous nous penchons sur le rôle des croyances chré‐tiennes au sein du mouvement. Nous affirmons que, bien que les groupes chrétiens aient été dominants en 1998, la promotion, de la famille hétérosexuelle nucléaire, et non les questions de doctrine, a été fondamentale pour le mouvement. Enfin, nous examinons si le mouvement s'est scindé entre socioconservateurs et centristes, les centristes étant peu représentatifs en 1998. En outre, l'un des groupes présentant un profil centriste, la National Foundation for Family Research and Education, a tout fait pour légitimer du point de vue scientifique les arguments moraux des socioconservateurs en faveur de la famille. En conclusion, nous soutenons que le mouvement pro‐famille à Calgary s'est éloigné de sa vocation initiale de contre‐mouvement antiféministe. Dans l'avenir, la popularité du mouvement pro‐famille au Canada dépendra peut‐être des valeurs postféministes qu'il affichera. This paper presents a comparative study of the beliefs of pro‐family organizations in Calgary and a structural mapping of organizational ties. Data were gathered in 1998 from documents and semi‐structured interviews with group leaders. Three research problems are addressed. The first concerns the closeness of the relationship between pro‐family and pro‐life groups. We find that all pro‐family groups, even those with strong anti‐abortion convictions, were organizationally and politically distinctive from pro‐life groups. The second problem considers the role of Christian beliefs in the movement. We ascertain that although Christian groups were dominant in 1998, promotion of the heterosexual nuclear family, not doctrinal issues, was fundamental to the movement. The third problem concerns whether the movement was bifurcated between social conservative and centrist segments. The centrist segment was quite weak in 1998. Furthermore, one of the groups with a centrist persona, the National Foundation for Family Research and Education, strove to supply scientific legitimation for social conservatives' moral claims about the family. In conclusion, the article argues that the pro‐family movement in Calgary has broken free of its initial phase as an anti‐feminist countermovement and suggests that the future popularity of pro‐family advocacy in Canada will be proportional to the degree that it is couched in a post‐feminist framework.