BIAS IN LIST-ASSISTED TELEPHONE SAMPLES

A number of researchers have suggested list-assisted samplingfor the selection of telephone households to overcome some ofthe operational difficulties associated with the Mitofsky-Waksbergmethods of random digit dialing (RDD). An advantage of a list-assistedmethod of RDD is that an equal probability systematic sampleof telephone numbers can be selected and the variances of estimatesfrom such a sample are usually lower than from a clustered designlike the Mitofsky-Waksberg method. The main disadvantage ofthe list-assisted method is that it excludes some householdsfrom the sample, thus creating a coverage bias in the estimates.This article describes research on the coverage bias for a particularmethod of list-assisted sampling. The two key determinants ofcoverage bias are the proportion of households that are noteligible for the sample and the differences in the characteristicsof the covered and not covered populations. The results showthat about 4 percent of all households are excluded in nationalsamples using this method of sampling. Furthermore, they showthat the differences between the covered and uncovered populationsare generally not large. The coverage bias resulting from theseconditions may often be small.     

Communications between General Practitioners and a Social Services Department

Summary Referrals from general practitioners to a social services departmentover a period of six months were analyzed with a view to assessingthe quality of communication. It was found that the referrals,predominantly related to ill health and practical problems,frequently lacked important background information, and manywere considered to be innacurate or inadequate. A high proportionof allocated referrals led to no contact, and there were significantdifferences between the various social services workers in thenature and extent of contacts made. General practitioners rarelycontacted the social services department during intervention.Social workers were the most consistent in involving G.P.s incase management, and the doctors, when contacted, were rarelyunhelpful, and frequently helpful. A wide variety of alternativeactions were discussed when contact was made, and there wasgenerally a high degree of agreement. Contact with G.P.s consideredto have a positive view of social services was more extensivethan with other G.P.s, and positive G.P.s were generally consideredmost helpful.     

MONEY DEMAND DURING HYPERINFLATION AND STABILIZATION: BOLIVIA, 1980–1988

This paper examines the demand for money in Bolivia during the 1980s, a decade of extreme instability with annual inflation rates reaching over 20,000 percent, and a subsequent stabilization, with annual rates falling to less than 25 percent and remaining so for more than five years.
Our empirical analysis makes use of error-correction approaches, time-varying-parameter estimation with Kalman filtering, and GARCH models of expected inflation and inflation variance. We find that expected inflation and inflation uncertainty both matter for money demand. Time-varying estimates show that the reaction to monetary disequilibria was significantly faster during hyperinflation.     

A Cambridge View of Modernity

Abstract It has been proposed, and accepted, commonly, often as part of a whiggish tale of humanity breaking the shackles of the past, that an Early Modern Europe paved the way, with its Scientific Revolution, for an 'industrial condition' to come. Yet interpretations of that 'revolution' have involved making some suspect general conclusions about a new, standard 'rationality' of conduct and a new norm suitable for constructed science. Furthermore, commonly-accepted generalizations about the advent and spread of Industrial Revolution are not well supported by the available evidence, especially where the case has been linked to an indistinct 'science.'     

QUESTION WORDING AND PARTISANSHIP: CHANGE AND CONTINUITY IN PARTY LOYALTIES DURING THE 1992 ELECTION CAMPAIGN

Gallup macropartisanship varies more over time than aggregatemeasures of partisanship employing the standard Michigan SurveyResearch Center (SRC) party identification measure, but previousanalyses do not provide direct evidence about why Gallup macropartisanshipis more variable. Although these differences could result fromthe short-term focus of the Gallup party affiliation question,aggregate-level analyses cannot test the effects of questionwording directly. Between March and October 1992, we conducteda series of question-wording experiments, employing six statewidecomputer-assisted telephone interview (CATI) surveys of Michiganadults, including a four-wave panel study. Our analyses stronglysuggest that the Gallup measure responds more to short-termpolitical conditions and clearly demonstrate that the Gallupmeasure is less stable over time. These individual-level resultshelp explain why Gallup macropartisanship varies more over timethan aggregate measures of partisanship employing the standardSRC measure and raise questions about the degree to which onecan generalize from analyses using the Gallup data to the researchliterature on party identification.     

THE GUNS OF AUTUMN?: AGE DIFFERENCES IN SUPPORT FOR INCOME TRANSFERS TO THE YOUNG AND OLD

Data from the 1973 and 1986 General Social Surveys are usedto test the hypothesis that elderly individuals favor publicspending patterns that support their own interests and not thoseof children. Support for educational spending and welfare bythe elderly is found to be less than within other age groups.Age patterns of support for Social Security spending are mixed.Responses to a series of "vignettes" depicting low-income familieswith young children and elderly women living alone showed thatelderly respondents are slightly more supportive than averageof transfers to low-income families with children and less supportivethan average of transfers to low-income members of their owncohort. Elderly respondents appear more generous once theirmore frugal notions of what it takes to "get along" are takeninto account. Support for transfers to young families is moreclosely related to income than age and is not consistent withthe hypothesis that the elderly support programs that benefitthemselves at the expense of programs that benefit the young.     

BELIEVABILITY AND THE PRESS

This study looks at believability ratings assigned to 39 newsorganizations and news personalities by a nationally representativesample of 2,104 adult men and women. The data provide threemajor findings about the believability of the American press,all of which, at least in part, tend to be at odds with muchof the conventional wisdom and some of the contemporary researchdealing with the credibility of the news media. First, the overwhelmingmajority of the general public believes most of what it hears,sees, or reads in the nation's press. Second, perceived "believability"of the news media is not closely related to those politicaland demographic variables that typically divide public opinionin America. Third, the public does "group" the news media interms of "believability," but the groupings do not equate withthe dichotomy usually drawn between television and print journalism.     

THE PERSISTENCE OF POLITICAL ATTITUDES AMONG 1960s CIVIL RIGHTS ACTIVISTS

A scattering of recent research has studied the current politicalbeliefs and attitudes of individuals identified as "1960s activists."In contrast to much of the treatment accorded such people inthe popular media, this research tends to find most of theseactivists currently liberal on a wide variety of political topics.However, in the absence of panel data, most of this researchhas had to assess any change in the activists' attitudes eitherby assuming the activists' past positions or by trusting totheir retrospective reports. In this paper we report on panel data from a large group ofwhite activists, mostly students, who spent the summer of 1965organizing voter registration drives in Southern black communities.In some specific areas on which the activists tended to holdrather extreme positions in 1965, they may have moderated by1984. However, their overall pattern of response on a wide varietyof issues is basically stable over this twenty-year period.     

USING DUAL FRAME DESIGNS TO REDUCE NONRESPONSE IN TELEPHONE SURVEYS

This article reports on the results of a series of experimentsdesigned to improve response rates for telephone surveys. Inthree surveys telephone households were selected using bothstandard random digit dialing (RDD) techniques and lists oftelephone numbers purchased from a commercial firm. In the RDDportions of the samples "cold contact" interviewing methodswere used; in the list frame portions advance letters were mailed,and the listed household name was used in the introduction.Experiments were designed to test the effects on response ratesof the advance letters and use of the listed household nameas a means of establishing rapport. The advance letters increasedresponse rates, but no difference could be attributed to theuse of names. The mixture of RDD and list sampling techniquesis also used to evaluate the effects of relative response rateson substantive findings. The cost consequences of these dualframe designs are assessed along a number of dimensions, andthe cost and error components of these designs are discussed.     

The Consequences of Validated and Self-Reported Voting Measures

This paper reports on the results of validation of the self-reportedregistration status and voting behavior of respondents in the1976 and 1978 American National Election Studies. The resultsindicate about one in seven of the respondents misreported theirregistration status or voting behavior. Comparative analysesare conducted using simple regression models to see if differencesin their explanatory power arise using validated and self-reporteddependent variables. The results show that there are no majorchanges in the fundamental nature of basic relationships thathave been observed since the first surveys were conducted. Analysisof the effects of overreported participation on estimates ofthe partisan division of the vote in three sets of subnationalcontests reveals a likely "bandwagan" effect. . Portions of the data utilized in this article were made availableby the Inter-university Consortium for Political and SocialResearch. The data for the 1976 and 1978 American National ElectionStudies were originally collected by the Center for PoliticalStudies of the Institute for Social Research. The Universityof Michigan, under a grant from the National Science Foundation.Neither the original collectors of the data nor the Consortiumbear any responsibility for the analyses or interpretationspresented here. The comments of an anonymous reviewer, whichresulted in a fruitful extension of the analysis, are gratefullyacknowledged.