Motivated by a breast cancer research program, this paper is concerned with the joint survivor function of multiple event times when their observations are subject to informative censoring caused by a terminating event. We formulate the correlation of the multiple event times together with the time to the terminating event by an Archimedean copula to account for the informative censoring. Adapting the widely used two-stage procedure under a copula model, we propose an easy-to-implement pseudo-likelihood based procedure for estimating the model parameters. The approach yields a new estimator for the marginal distribution of a single event time with semicompeting-risks data. We conduct both asymptotics and simulation studies to examine the proposed approach in consistency, efficiency, and robustness. Data from the breast cancer program are employed to illustrate this research.
China’s pension reform during the past three decades has allowed a majority of China’s population to be covered by a pension scheme. Of particular note has been the New Rural Pension Scheme (NRPS), a voluntary programme introduced starting in 2009. One goal of our analysis is to assess that pension scheme, using a variety of sources of information including data drawn from recent (2013 and 2015) nationwide China Health and Retirement Longitudinal Surveys (CHARLS). Our analysis involves an exploration of differences between the generosity and structure of the NRPS and other pension schemes currently in place. We also explore the feasibility of reforming the current “quasi-social pension” component of the NRPS by substituting a universal non-contributory social pension pillar. In connection with our assessment of the NRPS, we note the unusually low benefit levels for rural China. 相似文献
The emerging digital transformation in the twenty‐first century is rapidly and significantly changing the business landscape. The fast‐changing activities, expectations and new modes of collaboration suggest it is time to review the current theoretical insights from strategic alliance (SA) research, which are based on assumptions from a different era. We therefore aim to stimulate multidisciplinary debate and theoretical reflections to better understand emerging paradoxes and challenges that contemporary firms face in the formation, evolution and dissolution of strategic alliances. Specifically, we offer alternative visions of SA research and suggest fresh applications or supplements of existing theoretical perspectives and research methods that can better address the research questions emerging from an era of digital transformation. 相似文献
From the inception of the proportional representation movement it has been an issue whether larger parties are favored at
the expense of smaller parties in one apportionment of seats as compared to another apportionment. A number of methods have
been proposed and are used in countries with a proportional representation system. These apportionment methods exhibit a regularity
of order, as discussed in the present paper, that captures the preferential treatment of larger versus smaller parties. This
order, namely majorization, permits the comparison of seat allocations in two apportionments. For divisor methods, we show
that one method is majorized by another method if and only if their signpost ratios are increasing. This criterion is satisfied
for the divisor methods with power-mean rounding, and for the divisor methods with stationary rounding. Majorization places
the five traditional apportionment methods in the order as they are known to favor larger parties over smaller parties: Adams,
Dean, Hill, Webster, and Jefferson.
Received: 5 August 2000/Accepted: 24 October 2001 相似文献
This article places an episode in the history of sociological theory into intellectual history in the twentieth century. The
perspective is chronological as well as contextual. The themes are two theoretical approaches, both embedded in both American
and German history, Parsonian Systems Theory and “Frankfurt School” Critical Theory. The chronology shown spanned mainly from
the 1940s to the 1960s. The context of the two theories is a period that is crucial in twentieth century history. The protagonists
of the two approaches were, in the 1940s, Americans and Germans exiled in the United States. In the 1950s, both approaches
were affected by McCarthyism in different ways. The 1960s, however, were the culmination. The dynamics of the two approaches
led into a schism which came into the open on the occasion of the 1964 German Sociology Conference in Heidelberg celebrating
Max Weber. The article shows the stages in the evolution of the schism, emulating three acts in a drama. The final split was
over whether Weber or Marx should be the classic whose oeuvre was to influence sociological thinking today. My aim is to exemplify
how these two authoritative approaches in sociological theory, far from escaping the vagaries and vicissitudes of their times,
were embedded in twentieth-century history. 相似文献
Abstract In recent years, church burnings in the South have attracted a great deal of attention. Many commentators have charged that they are a product of strained race relations throughout the South, and particularly of severe racial tensions in Southern rural areas. In this study we evaluate these claims. We begin by mapping the spatial coordinates of recorded church burnings from 1990 to 1997, and find that church arsons indeed are concentrated in the South. Church burnings, however, are a more urban phenomenon than popular media accounts would suggest. Our analysis then explores the influence of contextual factors (population and locale, racial composition and inequality, so‐cioeconomic conditions, local religious ecology, and patterns of reported crime) on church burnings in counties located in the study region. Logistic regression models confirm that church arsons are most likely to occur in small metropolitan statistical areas (MSAs) and non‐MSA counties containing a city of at least 10,000 residents. Church burnings also are especially likely in counties with a higher percentage of black residents, a larger number of churches relative to the rest of the state, and a higher arson rate. We conclude by discussing the implications of these findings for future research and public policy. 相似文献
In light of use by airline unions of partial-strike tactics, such as concerted refusals to bid for overtime work and so-called
” CHAOS” tactics involving unannounced refusals to fly after passengers have been ticketed and are ready to board, the authors
examine whether the Railway Labor Act (RLA) should be interpreted to permit employers to discipline employees for engaging
in such tactics, or whether these are a protected form of economic pressure. Although in many respects bargaining duties and
economic weapons under the RLA are read consonant with precedents under the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) (which governs
all industries other than rail and air transport), there are a few decisions suggesting that during the period when self-help
may be resorted to, employees can engage in partial strike activities as long as they violate no court order but are subject
to permanent replacement in limited circumstances. These decisions, the authors submit, fail to take account of Supreme Court
decsions since the 1930s that some economic pressures by unions, such as slowdowns and sitins, may not violate the labor laws
but nor are they protected by those laws so as to immunize partial strikers from employer discipline. These decisions are
not based on unique features of the NLRA. Rather, they give recognition to the background assumptions of Congress that employers
may act to protect their property interests as long as they do not run afoul of NLRA or RLA protections and that employees
who engage in partial-strike activities are subject to employer discipline even where not strictly necessary to maintain operations.
Moreover, these tactics skew the bargaining process by giving employees an essentially risk-free gambit to pressure their
economic position through planned disruption of carrier operations.
Professor Estreicher is also labor and employment counsel to O’Melveny & Myers, LLP. The views expressed herein are the authors’
and should not be attributed to any organization. Hannah Breshin and Tom Jerman of O’Melveny & Myers, assisted the authors
with this article. We also thank Professor Herbert Northrup for his helpful comments. 相似文献
This article argues that attempts to utilize a Habermasian conception of the public space as a remedy for the democratic deficit deemed to be inherent within the political institutions of the European Union (EU) are unlikely to prove successful. It is argued that the instrumental goal demanded of the public space is contrary to the communicative rationality intrinsic to the Habermasian model. Moreover, the Habermasian conception of the public space as an arena independent of both the market and the state is non-operational because a public space independent of the market is inconceivable. An alternative conceptualization of the public space, focusing on the role of the market as a communicative process, and an alternative remedy for the European democratic deficit, focusing on liberal representative democracy, are proposed. 相似文献
The theory of autopoiesis, that is systems that are self‐producing or self‐constructing, was originally developed to explain the particular nature of living as opposed to non‐living entities. It was subsequently enlarged to encompass cognition and language leading to what is known as second‐order cybernetics. However, as with earlier biological theories, many authors have tried to extend the domain of the theory to encompass social systems, the most notable being Luhmann. The purpose of this article is to consider critically the extent to which the theory of autopoiesis, as originally defined, can be applied to social systems ‐ that is, whether social systems are autopoietic. And, if it cannot, whether some weaker version might be appropriate. 相似文献