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Patterns of Intimate Partner Violence and Sexual Risk Behavior among Young Heterosexually Active Men
Erin A. Casey Katherine Querna N. Tatiana Masters Blair Beadnell Elizabeth A. Wells Diane M. Morrison 《Journal of sex research》2016,53(2):239-250
Intimate partner violence (IPV) victimization is linked to sexual risk exposure among women. However, less is known about the intersection of IPV perpetration and sexual risk behavior among men. This study used data from a diverse, community sample of 334 heterosexually active young men, aged 18 to 25, across the United States to examine whether and how men with distinct IPV-related behavior patterns differed in sexual risk–related behavior and attitudes. Participants were recruited and surveyed online, and grouped conceptually based on the types of IPV perpetration behavior(s) used in a current or recent romantic relationship. Groups were then compared on relevant sexual risk variables. Men reporting both physical abuse and sexual coercion against intimate partners reported significantly higher numbers of lifetime partners, higher rates of nonmonogamy, greater endorsement of nonmonogamy, and less frequent condom use relative to nonabusive men or those reporting controlling behavior only. This group also had higher sexually transmitted infection (STI) exposure compared to men who used controlling behavior only and men who used sexual coercion only. Findings suggest that interventions with men who use physical and sexual violence need to account for not only the physical and psychological harm of this behavior but also the sexual risk to which men may expose their partners. 相似文献
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Conventional wisdom suggests that union members and their families are more politically active, and more likely to vote, than
nonmembers. This study presents, to our knowledge, the first systematic empirical examination of that conventional wisdom.
Results suggest that union members are more likely than nonmembers to vote in a general election, and that union campaign
efforts increase voter turnout generally. There is no evidence, however, that union family members are more likely to vote
than nonmembers, or that union status affects an individual’s likelihood of voting in a primary election.
The authors wish to thank Robert Perloff, Donna Sockell, and an anonymous referee for helpful comments on an earlier draft
of this paper. This study was partially supported by a Columbia University Graduate School of Business Faculty Research Fellowship
and a Faculty Research Grant from the University of Pittsburgh Graduate School of Business. 相似文献
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Union political activity has always been controversial, even among union members. Research has shown that a sizable minority
of union members question the propriety of union political involvement and disagree with union leaders on public policy issues.
It has also shown, however, that union members’ commitment to the union may be positively associated with members’ political
support. This study extends this research by statistically estimating the relationship between union commitment and members’
support for their national union’s political involvement. Based on the questionnaire responses of several hundred local union
members, the findings support a positive relationship between union commitment and political support.
The authors wish to thank John Delaney and Cynthia Fisher and an anonymous referee for their comments on an earlier draft
of the paper. They also wish to thank the numerous union participants in the study. 相似文献
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We reach several conclusions. First, to the extent that soft money per se and issue advertising are the primary targets of campaign-finance reformists, unions contribute little, overall, to the perceived or real problem. Union soft money pales in comparison not only to total interest-group expenditures of this type but also to the hard money that labor dispenses. Moreover, with their relatively limited treasuries, unions are in no position to compete with the corporate sector. It has been estimated that the total assets of labor unions, at the combined local, regional, and national/international levels, barely exceeded $10 billion in 1995 (Masters and Atkin, 1997). Revenues were less than $13 billion. 相似文献
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Organized labor has become increasingly active in national politics. This development has encouraged research into union political
activities, particularly in the area of legislative politics. But little research has been published on the basis of congressional
support for union positions on diverse public policy items. This paper has examined the correlates of congressional support
for unions’ positions across 33 roll-call votes taken in the first session of the 98th Congress. Empirical analyses suggest
that certain factors, such as legislators’ party affiliation and constituents’ ideology, are consistent correlates of such
support across diverse legislation.
The authors wish to thank John Delaney and Jack Fiorito for their generous comments on a previous version of the paper. They
also wish to thank the union lobbyists who granted interviews. A Faculty Research Grant from the Graduate School of Business,
University of Pittsburgh, provided partial support. 相似文献