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Kimberly R. McBride 《Journal of sex research》2019,56(3):367-377
Focus group methods were used to explore heterosexual women’s receptive anal sex attitudes and motivations. Behaviors under investigation included penile–anal intercourse (PAI), manual–anal stimulation, oral–anal contact, and the use of sex toys. A total of 33 self-identified heterosexual women ages 18 to 30 recruited from two metropolitan areas in the Midwestern United States participated in one of six focus groups. The findings suggest that women viewed heterosexual anal sex as an emerging norm. Attitudes and motivations were complex and varied by behavior. Dominant themes included curiosity, pain, pleasure, and stigma. Relational factors, including acquiescence, coercion, and consent, were also salient among participants. Factors that influence anal sexual behaviors may not be entirely distinct from those that influence other sexual behaviors; however, factors that influence anal intercourse may be distinct from those that influence nonintercourse anal sex. Improved understanding will allow scientists to better understand the integration of anal sex behaviors into the broader sexual repertoire. 相似文献
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This paper examines the effects of organizational attributes on power/dependence relations in interorganizational dyads. Exchange and homophily theories are discussed as two alternative perspectives on the processes that give rise to such effects. The data pertain to interagency ties in three community-based networks of youth service agencies and are analyzed via a new strategy of linear modeling dyadic relations. The results of the analysis suggest that size, administrative position, and justice system connections condition the extent to which an agency initiates and receives ties of influence, assistance, and support. Moreover, these relations are more frequent between agencies with similar treatment ideologies and client racial makeup. Finally, size and justice system access are found to reduce agency dependence on a network's administrative core. In the course of the discussion, a number of related issues and findings are discussed. 相似文献
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Brent A. McBride Sarah J. Schoppe Thomas R. Rane 《Journal of marriage and the family》2002,64(4):998-1011
This study examined variations in the relationships among child characteristics, parenting stress, and parental involvement. Participants were 100 two‐parent families with preschool‐aged children. Self‐report and interview data were collected to measure parental involvement, as well as perceptions of child temperament and parental stress. Analyses revealed significant, yet somewhat different, associations between child temperament and parental stress for mothers and fathers. More significant associations were found between perceptions of child temperament and involvement for fathers than for mothers. The associations between child temperament and parental stress and involvement differed on the basis of child and parent gender. Results are discussed in terms of future research on father involvement, as well as programs designed to encourage fathers to assume more active parental roles. 相似文献
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In this paper we explore the phenomenon of Chinese counterfeits smuggled into Mexico, the world's fourth largest counterfeit market, particularly highlighting the role played by Chinese transnational crime in the production and financing of these illegal exports and the role of the Korean diaspora in the distribution of Chinese counterfeits within Mexico. Based on this case study and the extant literature, we suggest propositions concerning diaspora criminal enterprises and diaspora participants in informal markets that amend current theory concerning two streams of literature — diaspora homeland investment and trade facilitation by diasporas. 相似文献
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Terence McBride 《Immigrants & Minorities》2006,24(1):1-21
The purpose of this article is to examine a radically new phase in Irish popular politics in Glasgow during the 1860s. More precisely, the aim is to describe and explain how a secular notion of Irishness made a decisive impact on a key migrant community in Britain. Actively opposed by the local Catholic hierarchy, this secular Irishness nevertheless allowed for the emergence not only of Irish 'ward politicians' as elsewhere in Victorian Britain, but also, in the longer term, allowed for the emergence of John Ferguson and his 'fusion' of loyalties to both organised labour and Irish nationalism. 相似文献
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A Cheadle E Wagner C Anderman M Walls C McBride M A Bell R F Catalano E Pettigrew 《Evaluation review》1998,22(6):699-716
This article assesses the validity and reliability of the approach used to measure community mobilization in the Seattle Minority Youth Health Project (MY Health), a neighborhood-based program to prevent drug use, violence, teen pregnancy, and sexually transmitted diseases (STDs). Two constructs were measured: neighborhood cooperation in solving problems, and sense of pride and identification with the neighborhood. The convergent validity of the measurement approach was assessed by comparing several independent measures of community mobilization generated from surveys of key neighborhood leaders, youth, and parents. For the neighborhood cooperation construct, correlations were uniformly positive across measures from different surveys and statistically significant about a quarter of the time. The correlations for the neighborhood pride construct were weaker and generally not statistically significant. Interrater reliability was low for all of the surveys, possibly reflecting varying ideas about what community mobilization meant among survey respondents. 相似文献
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Anne McBride 《Gender, Work and Organization》2001,8(4):411-429
Providing oppressed social groups with rights of representation is one suggestion for counteracting bias towards privileged groups in society. In order to counteract a bias towards their white, male, heterosexual, able‐bodied membership, a number of trade unions have provided social groups with resources to self‐organize and represent their group interests to mainstream decision‐makers. However, enabling group representation at the same time as individual representation is problematic in trade unions that are organized along liberal democratic lines. This case study of UNISON shows that while the union supported the self‐organization of oppressed social groups, these groups were excluded from matters affecting pay and working conditions. The article argues that this outcome reflects the difficulty of reconciling the representation of social groups with the representation of individuals in a liberal democratic organization. The implications of this organizational framework are illustrated by contrasting the organizing strategies of two women's self‐organized groups. While one strategy (the organization of women shop stewards) fits the prevailing organizational structure, the other (the organization of all women) attempts to be different and may have more potential for counteracting the bias towards privileged groups in the future. The article argues that a radical organizational framework is required if oppressed social groups are to gain real power within trade unions. 相似文献
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