Migratory movements and their effects on family structure: the Latin American case

The main causes of population mobility in Latin America have been 1) dissolution of the traditional rural societies, 2) expansion of the agro-industrial economy, and 3) consolidation of an urban economic and cultural model. Disparities in wages and exchange rates and inequality in development between different countries have led to emigration to countries at higher levels of economic development and to the industrialized Western countries. More recently, political instability and institutionalized violence in Central America have induced population movements to other countries in the region. 6 basic types of migration in Latin America are 1) seasonal migration of small farmers to urban areas or the rural areas in other countries, 2) migration by young rural people to cities or urban areas of other countries, 3) rural-urban and international migration by the whole family group, 4) international urban-urban migration by individuals or by the whole family group, 5) migration for family reunification, and 6) return migration. The predominant type of mobility has been from the countryside to the cities. Both men and women migrate, although the proportion of migrant women is increasing and women occasionally outnumber males. Migrant women generally find less skilled jobs which are less well paid. Migrant workers frequently have access only to less skilled and poorly paid jobs or enter the informal sector of the urban economy. The impact of migration on the structure and functioning of the family unit in the sending society is determined by the number, sex, and role of the family members who migrate. Other economic and social factors such as assistance received by the migrant, the work found, the level of income, and the specific characteristics of the receiving society determine the success of the venture, the capacity to some or all of the remaining family members. Family members who stay in the sending society must adjust their behavior in ways determined by the number, sex, and age of the family members concerned and the type of economic activities by the family. For the migrating family, settlement in the receiving society requires the development of new functions and specialized domestic activities by each of its members. Survival possibilities will be largely determined by assistance networks, the reorganization of the structure and functioning of the family group, and the adoption of new organizational patterns.     

PI3K pathway and Bcl-2 family. Clinicopathological features in prostate cancer

The phosphatidylinositol 3-kinase (PI3K)/AKT/mTOR pathways and Bcl-2 family play a central role in prostate cancer (PC). The aim was to determine influence in the biochemical progression in PC. To evaluate the association between clinic pathological and immunohistochemical variables, Spearman’s test was performed. Log-rank test and Kaplan–Meier curves were used for survival comparisons. To explore the correlation of the studied immunohistochemical parameters and the established prognostic variables with biochemical progression, univariate and multivariate Cox proportional Hazard regression analyses were performed. Spearman analysis showed correlation between stroma expression and tumor expression of PI3K with biochemical progression (p?=?.009, p?=?.004), respectively, and tumor immunohistochemical score with biochemical progression (p?=?.051). In the multivariate Cox regression model, only PI3K was retained as independent predictors of biochemical progression. In stroma expression, PI3K is (HR 0.172, 95% CI 0.065–0.452, p?=?.000); tumor expression, PI3K is (HR 0.087, 95% CI 0.026–0.293, p?=?.000), and tumor immunohistochemical score (HR 0.382, 95% CI 0.209–0.697 p?=?.002). Our results suggest a role for prostatic expression of PI3K was prognostic markers for PC. PI3K/AKT/mTOR and Bcl-2 family are becoming an important therapeutic target and predictive biomarkers of onset and progression of PC.     

International migration data: their problems and usefulness in Venezuela

During the 1940s and 1950s Venezuela was an important destination for migrants from Southern Europe, a flow that disappeared almost entirely during the 1960s, to be replaced by border movements and the largely illegal migration of Colombians. The oil boom of the 1970s saw an increase of the latter, which may have subsided during the 1980s due to the more difficult economic conditions that have also led to significant emigration levels of Venezuelans and former immigrants. Methods of data collection systems that provide information on migrants include the National Population and Housing Census, the National Household Survey, migration surveys, arrival and departure statistics, registration systems operated by the Direccion General Sectorial de identificacion y Control de Extranjeros, the 1980 regularization drive, statistics gathered by the Ministry of Labor, and vital and civil registration statistics. The lack of effective coordination among the different government agencies gathering information and the administrative nature of the data collected give rise to problems of comparability. Mechanisms to publish and disseminate the data available are not well developed, so that researchers often have no access to potentially useful sources of information. Problems of timeliness in the publication of the most widely used information are also present, as is the large gap existing in data pertaining to emigration, be it of Venezuelan nationals or of immigrants leaving the country.     

The migrant family: subsistence strategies in Dominican families in Venezuela

This study of migration to Venezuela from the Dominican Republic used sociological and anthropological techniques to study fragmentation and regrouping of families before and after migration, family subsistence strategies, entry into the labor force, and mutual aid networks among migrants. A 44-item questionnaire was administered in 1987 to 50 heads of households born in the Dominican Republic and residing in Venezuela with their families for at least 1 year. The survey took place in metropolitan Caracas. Its findings were complemented by use of traditional participant-observation. 43 respondents were male and 7 were female. 30 were married, 1 divorced, 16 in consensual unions, and 2 widowed. Respondents' ages ranged from 26 to 57 years. 38 had resided permanently in their place of birth before migrating to Venezuela. 36 had lived in Venezuela for 5-10 years and 9 for 11-15 years. 39 stated that their principal reason for coming to Venezuela was to find employment. 36 entered on tourist visas, 11 on transient visas, and 2 with no documentation. 29 entered the country alone, 12 came with spouses, and 8 with most of their family group. Only 3 planned a future move within Venezuela. The migrants were of relatively low educational status. 16 had incomplete and 19 complete primary educations and 11 had some degree of secondary education. 41 were employed at the time of the survey, 5 were unemployed and 3 were temporarily disabled. 16.3% were vendors, 12.2% were office workers, 8.2% were transport workers, 8.2% were artisans or operators, 8.2% were in domestic service, and 12.2% were in other personal services. 22 worked in enterprises with fewer than 5 workers or were self-employed and only 6 worked in enterprises with 21 or more employees. 11 had had 3 jobs since their arrival, in Venezuela, 8 had had 4, and 25 had had 5 or more. 16 migrants had found their jobs through a direct search, 16 had obtained them through recommendations of friends or relatives, and 2 were contracted abroad. Total time spent unemployed was low. 41 stated that their current employment situation was better than that in the Dominican Republic, 4 that it was about the same, and only 1 that it was worse. 13 of the households contained some type of nuclear family, 13 contained an extended family with spouse, children, and other relatives, and 22 a compound family of some type with relatives and nonconsanguineally related persons. Organization into compound families was found to result from complex networks of assistance and reciprocity among migrants. The average time elapsed after migration by the household head until the family reformed in Venezuela was 1 or 2 years. 38 persons stated they had relatives in other parts of Caracas or elsewhere in Venezuela. There were only 6 households in which wives were not also economically active. 40 respondents reported they gave some type of assistance in money or goods to other relatives outside the household.