Der Sinn der Modelle

With the exception of an indeed important formal detail of the model of frame selection, the criticism of Rohwer both on the model itself and on the general approach to explain divorces is not comprehensible. Partly, it consists of even serious misinterpretations, which are due to the fact that the author is not familiar with important textual backgrounds or did not consider them. Partly, global accusations are being made, which are finally true for any approach, which has not yet solved all problems beforehand, including all current approaches in the research on divorce. Besides the correction of the misinterpretations of the model of frame selection and sociological explanations, this contribution particularly proposes a simple solution of the formal problem.     

Desynchronisation und Populismus

This contribution takes its starting point from the assumption held by a theory of differentiation that the political shaping of society is challenged by an increasing desynchronization of distinct social sub-areas. Drawing upon the example of financial market regulation, we demonstrate how this political shaping capability is to a great extent successfully sustained or retrieved through the employment of hybrid organizations such as the German Federal Financial Supervisory Authority (BaFin), of which we undertake an in-depth analysis in this paper. However, this comes at the prize of another (vertical) desynchronization at the intersection of well-established political institutions and the elementary processes of the formation of a democratic will. As a consequence, we develop an interpretation of post-democratic tendencies that exceeds common diagnoses of post-democracy and populism by offering a structural-temporal explanation of the perception that the formation of a democratic will and the political establishment are drifting apart.     

SEXUALIZING THE SOCIALOGICAL: Queering and Querying the Intimate Substructure of Social Life

This presidential address explores the sexual substructure of everyday life.¹ I focus on the intimate connections among sexuality, race, and ethnicity. Masculinist heterosexuality is a central component of the bedrock upon which ethinic boundaries rest; and feminism, unruly female sexuality, and homosexuality are three cracks in that foundation. To illustrate the usefulness of understanding the sexualized dimensions of racial and ethnic relations, and social life in general, I provide four examples of the importance of considering sexuality in race, ethinicity, and nationalism: sex and nationalism, sex and urban residential segregation, sex and conquest , and sex and race . In all four sections, I attempt to reveal the sexual substructure of social life. Moreover, I urge sociologists to consider sexuality and the role of sexual systems in their own research.     

Dealing with unknown variables in policy/program evaluation

A leading objection to the feasibility of applying benefit-cost analysis in evaluation is that one often cannot know the benefits, the costs, or the probabilities of their occurring for a given proposal. Threshold analysis involves handling unknown variables by converting relevant evaluation problems into questions as to whether a given benefit, cost, probability, or combination of these elements is more or less than a threshold. Above the threshold, the proposed program would be relatively profitable; and below the threshold, it would be relatively unprofitable. Applying that analysis may require the drawing of simple graphs to stimulate the minds of knowledgeable persons as to the range of the actual benefits, costs or probabilities. The approach can be applied when the benefits or the costs are either monetary or nonmonetary, and when the problems involve either go/no-go decisions or conflicting-choice decisions.     

Muslim Political Activism or Political Activism by Muslims? Secular and Religious Identities Amongst Muslim Arab Activists in the United States and United Kingdom

Scholarship on Muslim political mobilisation in the West has developed as an important counterpoint to public discourse, which has tended to cast Muslims as a threat to social cohesion, liberal democracy, and national security. But even as scholarly literature has shed light on civic participation among Muslims, it has sidelined the diversity of political identities and values that motivate them. Most, if not all, Muslims in the West find their identities politicised in some way, but the question of whether this leads to a consensus amongst Muslims about the role of religion in public life often remains unexamined. In this article we draw on interviews with seventy-eight activists in Britain and the United States who are both Muslim and Arab to complicate ideas about the political mobilisation of Muslims in the West. Respondents, we show, are far from unified in their views on religion as a basis for political action and mobilisation. Some are keen to place Islam squarely in mainstream political spaces; most, however, are insistent that Islam should remain a private faith and identity and that political mobilisation should take place under the aegis of Arabness or other ‘secular’ identities. Using theoretical perspectives on the public sphere, we explain the complexity of our respondents' political identities and activism. Our overall aim is to broaden perspectives on the ways in which people from Muslim backgrounds participate in public, political life in Western contexts.     

Part/whole percentaging as a useful method in policy/program evaluation

Part/whole percentaging analysis is a simple and meaningful way of evaluating alternative policies, decisions, or other options with multiple goals measured on different dimensions. That kind of analysis involves converting the raw scores of each alternative policy on each goal into a part/whole percentage by summing the raw scores for each goal and dividing each raw score by the total. One can then sum the part/whole percentages across the goals for each policy after assigning at least tentative relative weights to each goal. Part/whole percentages are added for goals that one would like to maximize and are subtracted for goals that one would like to minimize. Where the relative weight of a goal or score is too difficult to determine, one can determine the threshold value at which there is a tie between the tentative first choice and the second choice, and then just determine whether the actual value is above or below the threshold value. The aggregated part/whole percentages for each policy can be used to choose the best policy, the best subset of policies, or to allocate a budget across the policies in proportion to their aggregated part/whole percentages.