Just-in-time purchasing: an empirical investigation

The just-in-time (JIT) literature suggests that, for JIT to be successful, a manufacturing firm has to make changes in its purchasing operations. However, empirical examination of the JIT purchasing related issues is limited. For example, a literature search identified 49 JIT purchasing articles. Of these, only 14 are empirical studies; two dealing with statistical testing of a few JIT purchasing issues. This comprehensive empirical study is undertaken to investigate (a) changes in the purchasing attributes since JIT implementation, (b) supplier evaluation cri-teria, and (c) problems with JIT purchasing implementation. Statistically significant changes are observed in 28 out of 32 attributes identified in the literature, suggesting that the manufacturing firms are successfully implementing JIT purchasing programmes. Of the 14 supplier evaluation criteria, the empirical investigation shows nine of them being important. Erratic demand for the product and customized product are found to be problematic (but not very problematic as suggested in the JIT literature( in JIT purchasing implementation.     

Judgments of the Carter-Reagan Debate: The Eyes of the Beholders

In line with social-psychological theory and with findings fromprior analyses of the impact of televised campaign debates,the 1980 Carter-Reagan debate seems to have been interpretedlargely in light of preexisting candidate preferences. Knowledgeof whether a viewer intended to vote for Carter or Reagan and,for undecided voters, knowledge of position on the liberal-conservativecontinuum, permit accurate predictions to be made of judgmentsof who won the debate.     

Contrast Effects in Estimating Policies of the Federal Government

This article reports analyses of the relation between respondents'attitudes and what they estimated to be the policies of thefederal government on three scales using the 1980 NORC GeneralSocial Survey. Although previous articles have reported theassimilation tendency as stronger than contrast, the resultin the present case was a pervasive contrast effect. The moreconservative the respondents' attitudes, the more liberal thepolicies attributed to the federal government. The effect occurredamong people selected with regard to confidence in the government,party affiliation and prior voting behavior, and various statusand demographic characteristics.     

Native labour and social stratification in the Hudson's Bay Company's Northern Department. 1770–18701

The Hudson's Bay Company began to employ Indian and Métis about 1770. During the competitive period (until 1821) natives held administrative as well as labouring positions. Under near monopoly conditions after 1821, natives did not fare as well. With few exceptions they gained access only to the lowest levels of the employment hierarchy. This loss of status caused frustration which was expressed in several ways. La Comagnie de La Baie d'Hudson commenc;ait à employer des Amérindiens et des Métis jusqu'en 1770. Pendant lapériode concurrentielle (jusqu'à 1821) les indigènes ont tenu des postes administratifs ainsi que des postes journaliers. Sous des conditions qui s'approche d'un monopole après 1821, les indigènes ne se débrouillaient pas aussi bien. Sauf pour quelques exceptions, ils ont réussi seulement les plus bas rangs d'hiérarchie d'emploie. Cette perte de status a causé la frustration qui était exprimée par divers manières.     

‘Autograph of a Nation’: The Daughters of the American Revolution and the National Old Trails Road, 1910–1927

In 1912, a group of women within the National Society of the Daughters of the American Revolution (DAR) undertook to become architects of the first continuous transcontinental automobile route, to be called the ‘National Old Trails Road’ highway. Consistent with many of the private road improvement initiatives during the heyday of America's good roads movement, ‘Daughters’ in many states were involved in mapping the route and posing a variety of marking schemes that would etch upon the landscape the DAR's sponsorship of the route. In doing so, the Daughters staked an explicit claim for the DAR and for American women in the project of nation‐building, by promoting their National Old Trails Road as a culmination of Manifest Destiny. This episode highlights the interrelationship of gender and the nation. This article argues that while women function passively in nationalist rhetoric to symbolise the nation, one must also acknowledge the agency of conservative women's groups in constructing and perpetuating nationalist narratives in ways that were often surprisingly complex and not simply imitative of men.     

An Intake Team in Action in a Social Services Department

Summary This article describes the intake system in operation in a socialservices department of an inner London borough before the establishmentof a special intake team, and outlines the reasons why changewas felt to be necessary. The structure, functions and mainactivities of the intake team are described with some relevantstatistics and case material and an attempt is made at evaluationof the team's achievements. The study of this new intake system and of the intake team wasbased on the records of clients seen in April 1972 (when theteam had been operating for three months); on a follow-up studyin July of that year; on observations made during this period;on the many discussions with the team members, and finally ona number of informal interviews with social workers who werenot members of the intake team. The study was coloured by thememory of the author's own experience of the old system     

‘Between Two Evils,I Refuse To Choose The Lesser’

For French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu, the issue of the agency of intellectuals was paramount. Bourdieu maintained that intellectuals have a fearsome form of social responsibility. Having witnessed the ‘institutional misuse of authority’ common among academics, the ‘canonized stupidity’ that was part and parcel of the educational system, the faddishness of intellectual trends and the ‘cult of “transgression”‘ that underwrote this faddishness, Bourdieu crafted an alternative position and practice that were to bear fruit in the context of the fight against neo-liberalism during the last two decades of the twentieth century. This essay provides an examination of Bourdieu's theory of the gap between theory and practice, how intellectuals shape and are influenced by this gap and what can and should be done to challenge it.     

Social stratification, cultural nationalism, and political economy in Jamaica: the myths of development and the anti-white bias

Le sousdéveloppement en Jamaique est en partie causé par des activités commerciales de l'élite indigène de l'île. Dans cet article, l'auteur tente de démontrer comment les inégalités sociales de la richesse et du privilège se perpetueront jusqu'à ce que les institutions politico-économiques contemporaines de la société nationale de la Jamaique continuent de favoriser l'expansion du secteur privé. Étant donné que les effectifs noirs ne constituent pas une partie significative de l'élite économique, l'auteur conclut que le pouvoir ‘blanc’ en Jamaique ne cesse pas d'être un fait accompli. Il en est ainsi bien que la popularisation du ‘Black Power’ et du socialisme démocratique aient forcé les blancs de devenir peu visibles. De plus, elle entreprend d'établir les limites du pouvoir politique, économique et culturel des blancs, et de démontrer comment ce pouvoir a changé depuis 1972. Jamaican underdevelopment is in part a product of the business activities of the island's local economic elite. The paper points out how social inequalities of wealth and privilege will persist as long as the contemporary politico-economic institutions of Jamaican national society continue to favour the expansion of the private sector. Because the island's economic elite is predominantly non-black, the paper concludes that ‘white’ power in Jamaica is still a very real issue. This is so even though the popularization of Black Power and Democratic Socialism have forced the whites to keep a low public profile. It is only by mapping the organization and composition of the island's economic elite and by documenting the role of these national entrepreneurs in Jamaican big business that it becomes possible to determine the extent to which white strategic command of political, economic, and cultural resources has changed since the advent to power of the People's National Party in 1972.