Socioeconomic Differences among Blacks in America: Over Time Trends

Compared to Hispanic and Asian immigrants, black immigrants in the United States have been considerably less researched, and until very recently, black African immigrants remained a relatively understudied group. Using data from three waves of the US Census (1980, 1990, and 2000), we assess differences in earnings (and related measures of socioeconomic status) among male and female African Americans and black immigrants from Africa and the Caribbean. Results of the analysis suggest a sizeable earnings advantage for immigrants. Controlling for a host of human capital variables, however, reduced the gap between the earnings of African immigrants and native-born blacks, although the difference still remained statistically significant. No such attenuation was found for immigrants from the Caribbean. The results also indicate that for females only, the immigrant advantage has grown over time. Moreover, the findings show that additional years of work experience in the USA or in foreign countries correspond to a rather sizable increase in hourly earnings for both males and females, but, for males, this effect has grown weaker over time. Finally, men earned more than women, both overall and within comparison groups with the gap remaining relatively stable over time.     

The impact of place? A reassessment of the importance of the South in affecting beliefs about racial inequality

Research shows that individuals living in the southern part of the United States express more negative racial attitudes than those living outside the South. Using data from The American National Election Study (NES), the purpose of this paper is to assess whether key factors often associated with the Southern attitude distinction are indeed more potent in the South than elsewhere. Drawing data from the 1980s, 1990s, and 2000s, we further assess whether the impact of the South has increased or decreased over time. Results indicate that the impact of the South is negligible at best. Findings do show that place does matter for conservatives. However, in this case, non-South location matters more than the South. Relative to their liberal counterparts, conservatives in the non-South espouse more individualistic beliefs than do their Southern counterparts. These findings are discussed within the dominant theoretical framework in this area.     

Racial Resentment and Attitudes Toward the Use of Force by Police: An Over‐Time Trend Analysis

On the heels of recent police shootings of an unarmed Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, Walter Scott in North Charleston, South Carolina, and the death of Freddy Gray in Baltimore, Maryland, that stoked racial tensions, this article examines how beliefs about race and racial inequality influence whites’ attitudes toward the use of force by the police since the mid‐1980s. Our main dependent measure is a composite index (“Police Force Index”) constructed from four survey items from the 1986–2012 National Opinion Research Center's General Social Survey (GSS). Results show that (1) beliefs about race do indeed significantly predict whites’ attitudes toward police use of force, and more importantly, (2) this effect has remained constant since the mid‐1980s. We discuss theoretical and practical implications of these findings and suggestions for future research.     

Inequality and Multiracial Gatekeeping

ABSTRACT

Theoretical propositions linking power and status relations are deeply rooted in classical sociological thought. Building on that tradition, this paper investigates the impact of racial status on a specific power relation, the relation between gatekeepers and their clients. Gatekeepers control access to “benefits” they do not own, benefits that are valued by “clients.” Seeking access to those benefits, clients assume obligations which may be discharged by a fee paid to the gatekeeper. The size of the fee paid is the amount of power exercised by the gatekeeper. Employment agents, car salesmen, real estate agents are gatekeepers because they control access to jobs, cars, and housing, respectively, as well as information about each. When clients are lower status, for example, African American, employment agents may steer them to lower-paid, less desirable jobs, car salesmen may ask for and receive higher prices, and real estate agents may show only segregated housing. Research reported here extends previous work on gatekeeping to multiracial (black-white) gatekeeping relations by jointly applying two theories. Network Exchange Theory (NET) models the gatekeeper–client relation, and Status Characteristics Theory (SCT) models the impact of racial status on that relation. The result is three theoretical predictions that are experimentally tested in the well-understood context of exchange networks. As a first replication of previous work on gatekeeping, a key finding is that gatekeeping does produce power differences, as theoretically predicted. Two new additional findings are that 1) whereas race does indeed undermine the effects of blacks’ gatekeeping of whites, 2) it does not amplify (significantly) the effect of whites’ gatekeeping of blacks. Theoretical and practical implications of these findings are discussed.     

Does Marcellus Shale Natural Gas Extraction Affect How Much Youth in Rural Pennsylvania Like Their Community?

Prior research on the impacts of boomtowns on youth provides mixed results. Recent qualitative work suggests youth are ambivalent about change associated with extraction of natural gas from the Marcellus Shale. The Rural Youth Education longitudinal study of youth in rural Pennsylvania provides a unique opportunity to examine youth views about their communities before and during development of the Marcellus Shale. We use two waves of data from 10 rural school districts to assess differences in youth reports of how much they liked their community pre‐Marcellus (2005) and during Marcellus activity (2009), creating a natural experiment. Youth characteristics, aspirations, perceptions of job and educational opportunities, and views about their community are included in multinomial multivariate logistic regression models to predict how much youth like their community. We find no difference in youth liking their community pre‐Marcellus, but a larger share of youth in communities experiencing Marcellus activity by 2009 like their community “a lot” than those in areas not affected. The Marcellus effect strengthens when controls for other factors typically associated with extraction activity and views of community are included in the model, suggesting other, unmeasured aspects of Marcellus‐related activity influence how much youth like their community.     

Choosing Whether to Buy or Make: The Contracting Out of Employment Reintegration Services by Dutch Municipalities

The Western welfare states are under reform. An important part of these reforms is the introduction of market type mechanisms for the deliverance of public services. Over the years, many countries have chosen to contract out employment reintegration services. The underlying notion of contracting out is the belief that the introduction of market elements in the production of public services increases effectiveness and efficiency. In addition to the cost benefit argument for contracting out public services, ideology is often brought forward as an important factor explaining why public services are provided in‐house. In this article, we analyze to what extent cost benefit arguments and ideology affect the make or buy decision of Dutch municipalities. The Dutch employment reintegration market poses an interesting case in point since Dutch municipalities have the option to either provide employment reintegration services themselves or to buy services on the market. Our analysis shows that cost benefit arguments do not play a role in the make or buy decision of Dutch municipalities. Ideology, however, does. Municipalities that adhere to the principles of New Public Management more often opt to buy employment reintegration services on the market. Also the outcomes of municipal elections have been found to be of importance – left‐wing municipalities more often choose in‐house service provision.     

The Gatekeeper

Gatekeepers control access to benefits that they do not own. When granted access, their clients incur obligations that take the form of fees owed to the gatekeeper. This paper examines a variety of forms that gatekeeping has historically taken, looking closely at the network positions that gatekeepers have occupied. Not previously resolved is what determines the size of the client's obligation. The theory presented here predicts 1) the size of that obligation from the value to the client of the access sought. It also predicts that 2) to benefit, gatekeepers must monopolize their positions, or, failing monopolization, 3) must organize to form a shared monopoly. In exchange networks, gatekeeping takes the form of "ordering," a new structural power condition. Resistance equations generate exact quantitative values for hypotheses expressing the three predictions above. Experimental tests in the well-understood context of exchange networks offer strong support for the hypotheses.     

The Interaction of Race and Gender: Changing Gender‐Role Attitudes, 1974–2006*

Objective. The purpose of this article is to assess over‐time trends in the interactive effects of gender and race on attitudes toward the changing roles of women in U.S. society. Methods. This article uses data from the 1974–2006 General Social Survey. Gender‐role attitudes are measured using two composite indices of traditionalism. Results. We find black females tend to hold less traditional gender‐role attitudes than their black male, white male, and white female counterparts. Black and white males tend to hold similar attitudes toward women entering politics, but differ significantly in their attitudes toward women working outside the home and its impact on children. Assessing over‐time trends, we find the difference between black females and the other social groups to be generally diminishing. This convergence is more pronounced for white and black females. The difference in attitudes toward women entering politics between black females and white males, on the other hand, appears to be maintaining over time. Conclusions. These findings support the idea that the labor force participation for women may have provided the groundwork for the evolution of attitudes for men and women. As white women in particular increase participation in the workforce, ideologies regarding the place of women in U.S. society have shifted.