Temporary and illegal labour migration: the Israeli experience

In recent years, Israel has become a major recipient of documented and undocumented temporary labour migrants from many countries outside the Middle East region. The purposes of this article are to describe Israel's experience of temporary labour migration and its concomitant, illegal labour migration; and also to explore what her policies on temporary labour migration indicate about the nature of the policy-making process in this policy domain in Israel.
To these ends the article traces the evolution of temporary labour migration – legal and illegal – and recent policy initiatives of the Israeli government. It then considers some of the major conceptions of the policy-making process found in public policy literature. The article concludes by pointing to the uniqueness of Israel's experience of temporary labour migration and to the fact that her policies have been overwhelmingly reactive – inadequately considered, ill-conceived, ambivalent in relation to their ultimate purpose and, in the course of implementation, vulnerable to "privatization" (being taken over by vested interest groups).
Analysis of the most recent policy initiatives designed to reduce the number of legal labour migrants and address the problem of illegal labour migrants, reflect a policy-making process that is not followed by commensurate action.     

Limits to professional practice in decentralized systems

The decentralization of welfare systems and the introduction of “community social work” may confront social workers with tasks they were not trained for and limit their ability to function professionally. The experience of other countries may be relevant to the debate about localism in Britain. In Israel, the publicly directed local community centres have shifted their focus from leisure to welfare services. Trained social workers were employed to initiate and implement personal, group and other local services using local resources and charging fees for services. They reported having difficulties in defining local needs and wants, and in finding congruent solutions for these needs. They also found it difficult to negotiate with community politicians and work with them. This paper describes the Israeli system of community service centres and indicates some obstacles concerning the knowledge, skills, and attitudes of social workers functioning in an independent, decentralized practice. It also raises some selected issues for future social policy and service administration.     

The decline of motivation?: From commitment to dropping out of volunteering

This article studies volunteerism through the phenomenon of dropping out. By ascertaining the achievements, difficulties, and dilemmas of volunteers at the Center for Assistance to Victims of Sexual Assault and Domestic Violence, we explored the process of dropping out as an encore to understanding the meaning of volunteerism that ends with abandoning a desired activity. On the basis of a longitudinal study, we argue that dropping out is not always a product of waning motivation—for many volunteers, dropping out was extremely difficult—but rather the outcome of unabridged discrepancies between “ought” and “actual” experiences. Volunteers expect to feel good about themselves. In contrast, the organization expects them to act as free agents who can independently manage feelings of pain and self‐doubt. When such discrepancies between expectations and reality occur, feelings of anger and disappointment set in. As a result, devoted volunteers drop out in order to preserve their positive self‐feeling. It is our contention that in order to understand the nature of volunteers' dropout and perseverance, close attention should be paid to processes of self‐regulation in the context of the specific relations between the volunteers and the organization.     

From consensual reconciliation to a discourse of friendship

When in multicultural states the concept of reconciliation is tied to national unity in order to institute consensus and stability, the outcome often is exclusion and oppression of those others who do not ‘fit’ or who ‘disturb’ the very consensus and unity reconciliation purports to form. The hidden side of violence embedded in consensual reconciliation is the main theme of this paper. Our aim is to problematize the relations between reconciliation and nationalism on the one hand, and to offer an alternative working concept of friendship on the other. Based on an ethnographic case study of conflict between religious and secular groups in Israel, we examine the language of reconciliation and its semiotic gestures, in order to demonstrate that sentiments of ‘neither/nor’ or ‘either this or that’, when rooted in nationalist ideology of unity, obfuscate identities for purposes of homogeneity, closing the social and cultural space for different others who are present but not included in the discourse of reconciliation. By contrast, a discourse of friendship signifies a movement (rather than diffusion) between social and cultural identities. Our concept of friendship is based on a civic idea of causing no harm to others as a way of life.     

Social Workers as Entrepreneurs

Qualified social workers were employed in the newly established Community Service Centers (Matnas) in Israel to take part in efforts to initiate services and define each Matnas' domain. The organizational structure of a Matnas encourages its workers to use their professional skills in making entrepreneurial initiatives: The local board, the untenured, multidisciplinary staff, and the ability to utilize mixed resources, affords the Matnas the flexibility to easily contract ‘in’ and ‘out’ of programs, giving it and its staff a competitive position within the free market of service providers. This structure also permits the establishment of formal and informal contacts with constituents and authorities. This paper presents the case and discusses the role of social workers in innovating service programs.     

The desire for space: stains in Zoltan Kluger’s institutional photography

The article studies the construction of Zionist space in Kluger’s institutional photographs in an attempt to understand the ideological desire for space in Zionist imagistic propaganda. The analysis employs Lacanian ‘stains’ as well as strategies of art interpretation to suggest that behind the image of Sisyphean work of men toiling the land stands the Zionist ‘law’ (in contrast to the female jouissance) which comes to signify the Jewish return to history after the fall from divine grace. This paper demonstrates by what means Kluger’s photographs echoed and propagated the Zionist unconscious based on western and Christian desire for eternity and redemption of the land, even if it meant sacrificing the sons in exchange for eternal life and the return to grace.     

Personal Safety and the Mixed Economy of Protection

Many People report a growing fear of crime and victimization and a wish to promote their personal safety. The State, which has traditionally maintained the monopoly over law enforcement, is unable to guarantee personal safety to all. In addition to the State, therefore, for profit and non profit organizations fund and produce services to secure the safety of citizens and their property, creating the “Mixed Economy”of protection. This paper briefly discusses the right to personal safety and highlights eight alternative models included in the “Mixed Economy”of protection. It discusses the models and their implications for the community.     

National Hatred,Female Subjectivity,and the Boundaries of Cultural Discourse

In light of a study in Israel, which found that 28% of secular girls and 63% of religious girls expressed strong hatred toward Arabs (Cal and Maislees 1989), this paper explores the difference in emotional experience between the two groups of girls. Through in-depth interviews, it examines the meaning of national hatred as knowledge produced within a particular cultural discourse. In the case of the religious girls, feelings of hatred are produced through defensive emotion work aimed at securing the position of female religious subjectivity. The experience of the secular girls shows that when no single discourse is afforded privileged status, dissonant forms of knowledge stimulate the transformation of hatred into understanding and taking the role of the other. In both cases, the paper demonstrates the interplay between national discourse (secular and religious), emotional experience (of hatred), and the construction of (women's) subjectivity.     

Personal Security and the 'Right' to Protection

Welfare organizations and social services deal with issues of personal security. They are involved in risk assessment and in the protection of individuals and families. However, their mission in this domain is not defined, and its boundaries are not set. The article discusses the right to personal security. The duty of the state to guarantee this right is stated by international declarations and conventions that were ratified by the United Kingdom, as well as the European Convention on Human Rights that was adopted into domestic English law. In the application of the right to personal security, and the state's duty to secure this right, two independent processes are taking place. First, in the United Kingdom, the English courts are reluctant to recognize an affirmative right to personal security and to impose on state and public agencies a duty to secure this right. Second, as in many other service areas, this duty is rendered to the community. It is vital for the social services to discuss this duty, especially when they are called to vouch for the personal security of individuals and families in the community.     

Understanding Collective Hatred

Few days after the tragic events of September 11, Osama bin Laden invited President George W. Bush to convert to Islam. This article explores this fantasmatic "conversion offer" in order to demonstrate the hidden workings of collective hatred and its ambivalent mechanisms. Based on previous work (Yanay, 1989, 1995, 1996), this article claims that collective hatred signifies a failure to mediate between similarity and difference, closeness and separation, isolation and connectedness, at the same time that national and religious groups aspire to be included and be recognized as part of humanity.